This study analyzes the life histories of beggars of different ethnic groups in Tashkent, Post-Soviet Uzbekistan of Central Asian. First, I explain the historical background of Tashkent and its today's socioecomoic situation. And I intend to reveral the change of meaning of being beggars after the religious revival of Islam by the independence from Soviet Union. To do something for others involving beggars as sadaqa has got to contain some connotation to be good, different from having been bad because of laziness of not working in the Soviet days. Lastly, the following points will be presented through the analysis of their life histories. (1) Subjective construction of creation of social-cultural reality by the beggars. (2) The meanings of living in Tashkent metropolitan society as the beggars. (3) Urbanity of Post-Soviet Tashkent. These findings show that there is a variety of possible ways of living in human societies. And I try to make clear the characteristics of urban attraction which Post-Soviet Tashkent contains at the rolling times in Uzbekistan by analyzing subjective realities of, for and by beggars.
The purpose of this paper is to describe the history of the student dormitories in modern Japan from the viewpoint of "appetite and providers". We clarified how students were concerned with "appetite and providers" as an example of one student dormitory. In this dormitory, students organized "cooking part". The cooking part committees employed and managed cooks, and made menu in cooperation with them. The periods of employment of cooks were extremely briefly, and there were many cooks who had disgraceful affairs. It was students that decided the food expenses. Because the food expenses were fixed amount systems, "cooking part" produced a debt when the price of rice rose. At that time, they negotiated with stores of trading partners. But there were many disgraceful affairs in those stores, because students bound pre-modern relations together with shopkeepers. In this way we discovered that "the eating habits" of a student dormitory in modern Japan were strongly prescribed by social and economic conditions in a city.
This paper presents a case study analyzing Miyaza rituals in Ohmi, and discusses the process in which "tennou-jinji (天王神事)", Shinto rituals encompassing a type of Miyaza, and taboos imposed on the "tounin (頭人)", the person in charge of Jinji, continued to exist during the postwar rapid economic growth period. During the post-war period, Jinji did not change in response to new village lifestyles, while ancient features and customs were maintained. For example, Jinji rules still prohibit eating meat, which may be an anachronistic idea for people with modern eating habits. Although it is a common perception that rules for Jinji were strict in the past, current rules have actually become more restrictive. From the perspective of those involved in Jinji over the years, it is evident that they have experienced the contradictions of both change and continuity. Previous studies have indirectly discussed the outside impact of the rapid economic growth. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to suggest "postwar history as experience" as a new standpoint for more close observation of the delicate balance between local continuity and typical social change.
The street protest action that crowded and was called "Sound demonstration (Sound Demo)" by young people during for several years came to be shown in the city in Japanese various places. The marcher dances the road, it walks, and this is a demonstration of the track where the sound speaker and machine parts for DJ were piled up to the head though this is a sink because of a large sound as for the dance music. This thesis pays attention to this sound demonstration that appeared in a Japanese society in recent years, and examines it as "Festival" or "Urban Festival". The sound demonstration starts sending the political expression in a festivity dimension. However, because it violates and disturbs the boundary of the festival and the demonstration, the police overreaction might be invited, and the boundary of the festival and the demonstration be made visible. However, intentional use of the festivity also gives birth also to the strategy that opposes the enclosure of such a festivity. That is, it is concluded that "Festivity as the strategy" is a device thought out to make the situation advantageous by reading the combat rule of demonstration that rules the scene of the action directly in a different way in this thesis.
The suburbs of Tokyo had expanded especially after the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923. Accordingly, the shops had been developed with increasing population of the area, where consisted with shopping arcades. The householders of suburban families were generally salaried workers, and families were so-called "new middle-class" families. Suburban families often went to terminal cities at the center of city for job, shopping, and amusements in those days. But they bought daily foods or daily goods at shops in their living neighborhood as usual. So, the shopping arcades in the suburbs developed their scale bigger and bigger. Therefore, major capitals competed in the shopping arcades in the suburbs. In addition to that, distributor of the major companies, such as Shiseido, Morinaga, etc. opened their voluntary chain stores. Those shops were not chamber of makers, but managed by local merchants. In 1932, Takashimaya department store had started management of flat price shops. Everything in the shop were flatly priced lOsen or 20sen. The shops named "Takashimaya 10sen20sen stores" were well accepted by housewives of suburbia. They had created their life as clever consumers by choosing their possibility among many stores. So the development of suburbs was related to consumption in shopping arcades of suburbs.
Being the terminology of mind-and-body dualism, "Health" is understood as "having no illness". WHO has broader definition for health. But for the view of lifeology, it must be considered from a view of Local knowledge. So in this paper, I present the concept of folk health which is beyond former two ideas. I use interviews of Christians in Taiwan, and analyze the word Ping-an (平安 peace) which is a synonym of health and is understood as health in the context of Taiwanese religion, so I take it for an example of folk health. I conclude that Taiwanese Christians construct Ping-an with the concept of Biological health, shalom, and the concept of local Ping-an. As the conclusion, I show the practices of choosing the meaning of health in their own way under the influence of broader sense of health than just "having no illness
The Ainu have the divine ritual called "Iomante". It is the ritual about bears' spirit. The Ainu, aboriginal people in Hokkaido, had been occupied in hunting animals. The animals for the Ainu are not only the food but deified spirit. They hunt and eat animals, but have a feeling of awe towards them. The original form of their "eating manner" arose from the "sacrifice" of animals. In the traditional tales, the animal protagonists spontaneously appear to be sacrificed by themselves. For this reason, they feel animals awesome and place them in the prior position than human beings. By worshiping the spirits of sacrificed animals, the Ainu people hope the continual circulation of this relationship between people and animals. They make use of animals' leather and meat for all the scene of their daily life and express their joyful feelings by eating and singing together. This idea changes from the "eating behavior" to "eating manner". In our modern life, in the crisis of the food culture, it is important for us to reconsider this ritual tradition of the Ainu and the importance of the relation between the "eating manner" and "sacrificed lives".
This paper analyzes the evolution of television set design in Japan from 1950 through the 1960s-from televisions first appearance on the market up to their settlement in Japanese daily life. Television set design reflects the lifestyle of the people. In 1953 (Showa 28), when television broadcasting first started, Japanese television design exhibited a strong Western influence. Particularly, the Western table design was popular. Then, the design transformed into a television with four detachable legs that could be used both in Japanese and Western style rooms. Screen size gradually increased to meet customers' needs. 14-inch was the mainstream in early time, then 16-inch, and finally 19-inch television became popular in 1960s.