In an effort to consider how to run and manage the meeting places of local communities, we conducted a questionnaire as well as held hearings with managers of Shyukaijo which is the meeting places in the city of Uji, Kyoto Prefecture, concerning issues related to meeting places of this kind. Many managers of Shyukaijo were elderly and, in addition to their 'regular' responsibilities, were engaged in many other jobs related to local community formation, such as taking care of meeting facilities and repairing equipment, responding to neighbours' concerns, promoting the use of the meeting place, and so forth. There are three kinds of community meeting place management committees (in terms of their organizations): the first is to run directly by the association of the community residents. The second is a separate organization from such an association. Among these three examples the management committees found to be most active in running a meeting place were the ones separate from the community residents' associations, featuring as its members not only directors of the association but also representatives of elderly residents, children, and so forth, as well as the meeting place manager. It is necessary to reduce the workload of the manager who handles executive work alone. The municipal government should flexibly grant local residents some discretion over a meeting place facility and its management.
The study object of this research is to consider a reactivation of shamanism in Horchin region of Inner Mongolia, China. Furthermore, it is to investigate an individual in its region living as a shaman. Horchin Shaman is one of the streams of Mongolian Shamanism. There was a conflict with Tibetian Buddhism which was introduced to in Horchin region in the 16^<th> century. The conflict was accomplished into assimilation later on. After foundation of People's of Republic of China, it was considered as "superstitious" and especially, the Cultural Revolution was imposed on it severely. The reactivation has been recommenced since 1980^<th>. Through the process of reactivation there was emerged animal spirits which called as "pseudo" and "original" in the folk verbal remarks. In the case work of this research work, there are three young shamans who becomes the pupil of a well known shaman and they are aiming to the "original" by obtaining "shitogen". It is considers that there exists a process such as to accept an animal spirit in the conflict with the reality. Shamans are maintaining their relation with shitogen, although, they exist as an individual who is living their life that based on the complicated continuous actions in the local logical model.
The marginalization of the village in the hilly and mountainous areas currently have been progressing. There have been various studies and practices to improve the situation. However, the relation between marginal villages and native history and folklore of the village has not been fully clarified. This tentative assumption aims to clarify 1) basic forms of land use in Iwami mountain region, Shimane Prefecture (reclamation forms); 2) a transition of land use; 3) the relation between present land use in marginalization and reclamation forms of each village in Iwami mountain region, Shimane Prefecture through interviews on land use. Iwami mountain region has a form of land use characterized by close formation of houses, farms, and the hinterland. The extent of a farm per household and a small valley called Eki often overlap. This basic form of land use was reproduced after the Meiji era and acting on how vacant houses and abandoned farmlands came to be. Therefore, vacant houses and abandoned farmlands are not taken as only disadvantaged place in the socio-economic environment but any other meanings.
Graffiti as a youth subculture was born in 1970s in New York. Then it spread out all over the world in the 1980-1990s. These days, we can see graffiti all over the place. However, the purpose of graffiti is not well known. It's not because graffiti writers did not have the chance to talk about themselves, but because they had a hard time explaining what they were doing. In some recent studies, it is theorized that graffiti is a resistance to the society and a kind of 'vandalism'. This article examines previous studies in two ways. One is field work in Shimokitazawa. I walked around the town and recorded the places where graffiti were written. The other is investigation of a social networking site. There are a lot of descriptions related to graffiti on the web. By mixing these two ways of investigation, I could find a new side to the phenomenon. Finally, I conclude that the difficulties in describing 'graffiti' are caused by the structure of the values surrounding graffiti culture.