民族學研究
Online ISSN : 2424-0508
18 巻, 1-2 号
選択された号の論文の31件中1~31を表示しています
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. Cover1-
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 目次
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. Toc1-
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 目次
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 2-4
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 目次
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 4-
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 目次
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. Toc2-
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. App1-
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. App2-
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. App3-
    発行日: 1954/03/25
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  • 馬淵 東一
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 1-11
    発行日: 1954/03/25
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  • 浅井 恵倫
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 12-19
    発行日: 1954/03/25
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  • 藤沢 茽
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 20-33
    発行日: 1954/03/25
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  • 古野 清人
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 34-40
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
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    The Formosan aborigines are dry-farming agriculturists par excellence as most of the primitive peoples in Indonesia. However, their staple food is not the rice, but the millet (Setaria italica), and the agrarian rites relating to the millet cultivation have the most important place in their religious life. During such rites, various taboos are imposed upon the members of the community, of which the organization varies between tribes or ethnic groups. Among the Bunun of central Formosa, the observance of rites and taboos concerned as a whole covers occasionally about 100 days a year. The offering of "premices" to the divinities, spirits or ancestral spirits is found widely among the aborigines. They had been headhunters, except the Yami of the Botel Tobago Island, and they still remember fairly well of the rites and taboos concerning headhunting practised until relatively recent time. Various rites of passage bearing upon the life of the individuals are still observed widely, whereas the initiation ceremony combined with the men's house and ageclass system is found especially among the Ami and Puyuma in the eastern coast. Formerly, the medicine man and woman, simultaneously the shaman and shamaness in not a few cases, were most important and were more numerous than in the present day.
  • 宮本 延人
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 41-48
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
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    The Formosan aborigines are distributed over the mountain regions and the eastern plain, covering as a whole about a half of this island. Their mountain habitat ranges from 500 to 1, 500 metres or even more above the sea-level. Separated by deep valleys and steep cliffs, the intercourse even between their villages are often very troublesome. Such a topographical situation has contributed much to the preservation of their aboriginal culture along with its noteworthy diversities between tribes. The house structure is different between tribes or ethnic groups. The Paiwan, Rukai and the Bunun construct the wall and roof not infrequently with slate, and the Atayal and Saisiat with bamboo. The thatched roof is found among the Tsou and the southern Paiwan. In the mountain regions, especially among the Atayal, there are found not rarely the subterranean house-plan. And, in connection with the joint-family system of the Pangtsah (Ami) and Bunun, their houses are generally of larger size, sometimes large enough to contain fifty or so of family-members. In the northern and the southern tribes, the granary of each house is built very high above the ground, and the top of the floor pillar is often inset in a fairly large round board, wooden or stone, in order to prevent the intrusion of rats. Among the Pangtsah, Puyuma, Rukai, Tsou and a part of the Paiwan, each village has or had a men's house, and the Rukai and Paiwan adorn this house with sculptures and relief works. The men's house functions as a political center of the village where the village council is held, and here the grown-up boys and adults without consort spend night. The clothing of the Formosan aborigines differs greatly between tribes, strictly speaking even between villages. The weaving technique, which had once attained presumably the highest peak of its development among the Atayal and some sinicized west-plain tribes, is now fallen into decay among most tribes, except the Atayal. The Atayal women sew occasionally small shell beads all over clothes. "Shell clothes" are weared in ceremonial occasions, and in former days, were used also for money. The trousers in the strict sence of the word are not used in Formosa, whereas the loin-cloth and skirt are found all over this island, and the surplice is weared by both sexes. The women of the Paiwan and Rukai wear necklace of multicolored glass beads, which have been inherited from remote ancestors. The Yami prize silver highly, and they cast it into mould and make ornaments for ear, arm, or breast, and the helmet which are their treasure. Wood carving is carried out among the Paiwan, Rukai and Puyuma. They carve wooden figures, relief works and vessels. The Yami construct plankboat adorned with carving. Their weapons are gun, bow, spear and sword. The fire-arm had been obtained from the Chinese traders or smugglers, but the aboriginal black-smiths produce sometimes rough ones. The blow-pipe, club and arrow-poison are not used utterly in Formosa. The bronze seems not to have been used widely, but mainly among the southern tribes there are found occasionally bronze-made handle of small sword which the medicine-men keep still now. Earthen-wares are found among the Bunun, Tsou, Pangtsah, Rukai, Paiwan and Yami. The Pangtsah, Yami and (till recent times) the Bunun make pottery but the Rukai and Paiwan do not know or have forgotten the technique. The earthern-wares of the Paiwan and Rukai are said to have been a h eritage from immemorial times and are evaluated as treasures. The stone implements are found nearly all over this island. Though the relation between these artifacts and the present-day aborigines is not fully manifest, it is certain that stone implements are used for hoe and chisel in several parts of Formosa until relatively recent times.
  • 瀬川 孝吉
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 49-66
    発行日: 1954/03/25
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    The Formosan aborigines make their livelihood mainly by agriculture, stockbreeding, hunting, fishery, handicraft and, in recent times, though partially, by wage labor, the former two being the most important for their daily life subsistence. They cultivate land chiefly by shifting method, though in combination with a more or less reasonable rotation of crops and, notably among the northern and central tribes, also with some measures of reforestation. The "kinds" of plants, including those raised as seedling for reforestation, which they have cultivated since relatively olden times, amount to 46, of which those found throughout most tribes and localities are italian millet (Setaria italica), sweet potato, taro (Colocasia esculenta), sugar-cane, ginger (Zingiber officinalle), banana, ramie, gourd (Lagenaria leucantha var. gourda). From the distributional viewpoint concerning cereals, it may be of some interest to find among these 46 "kinds" the Chenopodium sp. (Seiban-akaza in Japanese) which is akin to the Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) of South America. The wet-rice cultivation was introduced relatively in later days, presumably less than a half century before, from Chinese and Japanese. But it is found mainly among the eastern plain tribes, and rather sporadically in the foot-hill regions among the mountain tribes. The habitat of the Formosan aborigines is divided into the temperate or subtemperate and subtropical zones, with variation of temperature, according not only to latitude but also to altitude. The harvest of their farming activity, consumed mainly for self-supporting, is consisted, broadly speaking, of cereals and tuber or root-crops, respectively of various kinds. The general trend is that the tribes who dwell in the temperate or subtemperate zone depend primarily on cereals and secondarily on tuber or root-crops, whereas it is just the reverse among those whose habitat is situated in the subtropical or tropical zone. Yet, some cultural factors seem to be involved here. Thus, for instance, the Bunun in the central Formosa often cultivate their land up to the height as far as the raising of millet of various kinds is possible, seemingly disregarding the wide areas of lower land where the harvest of tuber or root-crops are highly promising. On the other hand, the Paiwan to the south inclined generally to raise crops in the relatively lower valleys, notwithstanding that there are considerably wide areas for raising millet in higher slope of mountains and that, in some regions, population pressure is becoming a serious problem under the primitive farming by shifting method. Those which are important in husbandry are dog, pig, goat, buffalo (of recent times), wild fowl (Gallus gallus), fowl (Gallus domesticus), and wild honey-bee. Among them, the pig is found throughout all tribes, whereas the dog and fowl are lacking only in the Yami of the Botel Tobago Island. The rearing of wild fowl is peculiar to the Yami.
  • 金関 丈夫, 国分 直一
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 67-80
    発行日: 1954/03/25
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  • 宮本 延人
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 81-85
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
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    The first step toward ethnographical research on the Formosan natives is to be found in the 17th century when Formosa was under the rule of the Dutch who had left us many materials in their official documents. In the age of Chin dynasty the Chinese travellers visited Formosa and left reports in which we can find many valuable data. After the Japanese occupation (1895), the Special Commission for Inquiry on the Olden Customs of Formosa was established by Baron GOTO, Civil Governor of Formosa. This commission, under the leadership of Dr. S. OKAMATSU, mabe survey-works on the customs of the Formosan Chinese and the sinicized aborigines and afterwards on those of the aborigines. Although the travelling through the area of headhunters was very perilous at that time, steady researches were continued by the members of the commission and their reports did amount to huge volume. The pioneer in the ethnography on the Formosan natives was Dr. Ryuzo TORII, who landed at the Botel Tobago and investigated the Yami in the year of 1897. We must remember the names of Mr. Usinosuke MORI and Mr. Yoshinori INO : the former carved out ways of research among the dangerous aborigines and collected many ethnological specimens, that have been reserved in the Museum of the Government-General. Mr. INO endeavoured mostly on the history of Formosa. His works on the siniciezed aborigines, whose original cultures were disappearing rapidly at that time, are of value. It may be said that Mr. MORI and Mr. INO were the founders of the Formosan history and ethnology. After these forerunners, many researchers appeared in Formosa. Mr. Magane KOIZUMI travelled in the northern mountain region and eastern coast. Dr. Tadao KANO had engaged devotedly in fieldwork covering almost all aboriginal villages and published many articles on the ethnological, archaeological and entomological subjects. One of his works in collaboration with Kokichi SEGAWA, was published recently. In the year of 1928, the Taihoku Imperial University was established and the institute of ethnology was opened in the university under the supervision of Prof. Nenozo UTSURIKAWA, collaborated with Nobuto MIYAMOTO and Mr. Toichi MABUCHI. The important works among the results of the institute were a genealogical study of the Formosan natives and establishment of a ethnological museum in which ethnological and archaeological materials were collected, amounting to ten thousands in number. After a revolt (called "Musha Jihen") in the year of 1929, in which one hundred and more Japanese police-men and their families were killed by the Musha tribesmen, the Atayal, the government's policy against the aborigines was changed, and the migration of the aborigines from deep mountain areas to the foothill regions was planned. Accordingly the government had to undertake the close observation on territories, agriculture and village life of the aborigines. Mr. Kameichiro HIRASAWA, Mr. Kokichi SEGAWA and other members were engaged in field-work for several years and huge reports were published by the government. After the establishment of the university the studies on the natives were operated vividly in various ways. Dr. Yuzuru OKADA investigated the social organization of the Tsou, Atayal and the Pangtsah tribes. Prof. Naoyoshi OGAWA, who had published already several dictionaries of the native dialects, published in cooperation with Dr. Erin ASAI "Myths and Traditions of the Formosan Natives" in the original languages. Dr. ASAI also collected many native songs and recorded the melodies of the sinicized aborigines which had survived among them. In the agricultural section Prof. Iku OKUDA made a contribution to the government's administration and science. Prof. Takeo KANASEKI made physical anthropological researches upon various tribes. He made also many contribution in the field of archaeology as described later. The researches in the

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  • 馬淵 東一
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 86-104
    発行日: 1954/03/25
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  • 金関 丈夫
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 105-107
    発行日: 1954/03/25
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    Research work on the inhabitants of Formosa, initiated by Dr. R. TORII in the year of 1896, has been carried out during the last half a century, and the latest stage, for 13 years' duration at least, was represented by those works by the present author and his collaborators, which would be of some importance. A perspective obtained from those works was given by the present author on the occasion of the 57th Congress of the Japanese Anatomical Society held at Tokushima, Shikoku, in Aprill 1952. It may be summarized thus : the Atayal is physically akin to the Tagalog, Dayak and Naga, and other aboriginal peoples of Formosa, except the Ami and Yami, are not so much different fom the Atayal ; in the whole area of eastern and southeastern Asia there is found no people physically akin to the Ami and Yami ; and the culturally sinicized Plain Aborigines, in some respects, are akin less to other aboriginal peoples than to the Formosan Chinese.
  • 桑田 六郎
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 108-112
    発行日: 1954/03/25
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    The geographical recording of the Former Han Dynasty refers to a people called Tung-t'i, living far off the coast of Hui-chi province, south of the mouth of the Yang-tse River. In the following Three Kingdoms Age, we find the names of islands I and T'an, to the former of which the kingdom of Wu sent an expeditionary force and captured there thousands of natives, having been unable to reach the latter island. The T'an Island being supposed to be the Hainan Island, the I Island would possibly be Formosa, as Dr. S. ICHIMURA suggests. And the letter in question was pronounced tei beides i at least in the Later Han Dynasty, and it may be not improbable, as Dr. K. SHIRATORI remarks, that the island Tungt'i, tung being the "east", corresponds with the island I. However, the present author thinks that both Tung-t'i and I were the names of fictitious islands in the southeastern sea and the name of the island I was applied to Formosa, when the force of the Wu Kingdom landed there. For three centuries, from the Three kingdoms Age to the Sui Dynasty, there was no allusion to Formosa in the Chinese recordings. In Sui-shu, we find a more or less minute description on the Liu-ch'iu, where the force of the Sui Dynasty invaded and captured thousands of natives. Dr. ICHIMURA points out a noteworthy coincidence between the description of this island and that of the I Island. There have been much debates as to whether this Liu-ch'iu was Formosa or Okinawa, or whether the informations about these two islands were confused each other in the Chinese recording of the Sui Dynasty. Anyhow, the vocabulary of the native in the Sui-shu, deciphered by Dr. SHIRATORI, suggests an affinity with the Indonesian languages. Without doubt, Liu-ch'iu in this case was Formosa. During the Tang and Sung Dynasties, Formosa was rarely referred to and was regarded as a home of furious headhunters. Chao Ju-kua, a geographer and a superintendent for the marchant shipping in the province of Fu-chien, wrote : "in Liu-ch'iu there are no particular products, and the natives have a liking for piracy, and so few marchants go there." In his famous Chu-fan-chih, we find for the first time the name of P'eng-hu, the islands lying between Formosa and the Continent. The biography of Wang Ta-you, a governer of Ts'uan-chou (Fu-chien Province), also of the Southern Sung Dynasty, referred to an event that the Visayan of the Philippines invaded P'ing-hu and the coast of Ts'uan-chou. As Dr. T, FUJITA suggests, this P'ing-hu seems to be P'eng-hu. Later in the Mongol Age, the settlement of Chinese immigrants was recorded there. Meanwhile, informations about Formosa became better in the Mongol Age : besides a punitive expeedition toward the natives, various trading articles between China and Formosa were enumerated. At the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, an envoy was despatched to Liu-ch'iu. Presumably he thought it more preferable not to go to the barbarous Formosa at his peril, but to Okinawa instead, because he had visited Japan beforehand and might have been informed of Okinawa through some of Japanese. Since then, the name of Liu-ch'iu became applied especially to Okinawa was called Great hiu-ch'iu, and Formosa Little Liu-ch'iu or Tung-fan. In the later half of the Ming Dynasty, various place-names in Formosa, such as Wang-kang, Tayuan, Ta-kuo and Ta-hui in the southern part and Chi-lung and Tan-shui in the northern part, were known to the Chinese. Nevertheless, the Ming government did not regard Formosa a part of the Chinese dominion. When the Dutch occupied Peng-hu, the Ming government demanded them to remove to Formosa and to settle wherever they prefer in the island. The modern history of Formosa begins with the Dutch occupation thereof.
  • 宮本 延人
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 112-
    発行日: 1954/03/25
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  • 中村 孝志
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 113-122
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
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    The modern history of Formosa, as an integral part of World history, began at the period when Western nations made their appearance in the South Seas and when Chinese and Japanese were also active there. The shift in the appellation of this island is somewhat indicative of the vicissitude in international relations around it. Important are such namea as Takasago, Taiwan and Formosa. The name Takasago given by Japanese has gone out of use for long, because of the Japanese policy of self-seculusion in Tokugawa Era, whereas Taiwan by Chinese and Formosa by European remain still in general use. The so-called baccaneers in the Chinese documents had a more or less important role in the history of Formosa. In fact, they were mainly traders, among whom the CHENG 鄭 family of the 17th century was an outstanding figure. Among the Westerners of the South Seas, the Hollanders were the first to secure a footing on the island. It was in 1624 when they were persuaded by Chinese authority not to occupy the P'eng-hu 澎湖 islands lying between Formosa and the Continent, and to remove to Formosa that was not under the Chinese dominance. Thus the Hollanders built their fort at Taijouan (Anping) on the southwestern coast of this island, and, after having driven the Spaniards out of northern Formosa, they took possession of the whole island. Now they could concentrate themselves in the development of industry and trading. They tried to promote the production of rice and sugar and also the exploitation of gold, sulphur, and skin of deers in which the Western plain of the island abounds at that time. Before long, the island of Formosa became their treasury in the Far East. The Dutch dominance came to an end with the invasion of a troop headed by CHENG Cheng-kung 鄭成功 whose family in turn ruled there for three generations covering twenty-three years. Having been unable to cope with the growing power of the Manchu Dynasty, however, the Cheng government surrendered in 1683 to the Manchu forces under command of General SHIH lang 施琅. It is told that the Manchu authorities had an intention to give up the island and even to remove the immigrants to the Continent, though such a plan was not put into operation because of a strong opposition on the part of SHIH Lang. In view of maintaining public order, the Manchu government had truly put some restriction at first upon the Chinese immigrants who were occasionally rebellious. However, such a restriction was not strictly observed, and the Chinese were streaming more and more into the island ; particularly in and after the era of Chienlung 乾隆 (1736-95), they increased rapidly in number. Generally speaking, these immigrants cleared the land without any permission on the part of the authorities, and this caused grave frictions with aboriginal inhabitants mainly of the west plain of the island. Of these immigrants, the Fukienese came earlier than the Cantonese (Hakkas) and the former occupied main part of fertile plain, while the latter tended to distribute in foothill zone. They were at variance each other according to the affiliation respectively with the mutually antagonistic districts or clans of their homeland, thus leading not infrequently to civil war. In addition, Formosa inhabited by these immigrants was so notorious for insurrection that there was a popular saying : "a small revolt in three years and a big revolt in five years". On the other hand, the pressure of the Western powers upon the Manchu dynasty in its later days became grave more and more, and after the Opium War, the island was opened to Western nations for trade. Among the main exports there were tea and sulphur of the north and sugar of the south of the island, while opium and miscellaneous goods ranked among the main imports. It was true, however, that the growing contact with the Westerners tended to accelerate anti-foreign and anti-Christian trends among both general people

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  • 馬淵 東一
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 123-154
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
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    Where the Formosan aborigines came from remains still next to enigma, except that some features of their culture suggest a certain relation with Malaysia on the one hand and with the Continent on the other. However, their migration, involving cultural contact and re-arrangement, that seems to have left much influence to the present-day states of things among them, is the later one, presumably during these two or three centuries. The sequence of such a migration being postulated, to some extent, to be simultaneously reflected in and retraceable by their legends and culture traits distribution, the historical reconstruction is to be preliminarily proceeded by referring to these mutually reversible and yet reciprocally complemental situations. And it would be added here that the Dutch documents in the middle of the 17th century, including the census on the aboriginal population covering almost the whole of Formosan mainland except the northern and central mountains, tend to verify the natives' legends of the migration. Anyhow, the historical perspective in this article is also to be utilized as an background in persuing the process of cultural or social change. The preliminary conclusion of our survey work would be summarized as follows ; preliminary, because there should be done a further elaborated study on the trends of shift or distribution in cultural and social traits, combined to some measure also with a more detailed archaeological survey in reference with the fact that especially among the peoples of the northern and central mountain region stone implements were used widely before their contact with the Chinese invaded into the Western Plain. (cf. N. Utsurikawa, N. Miyamoto and T. Mabuchi : The Formosan Natives. A Genealogical and Classificatory Study. 2 vols. Institute of Ethnology, Taihoku Imperial University of Formosa, Tokyo 1935.) 1. The northward and eastward migration of the Atayal, in waves followed one after another, from the southwestern extremity of their present-day distribution area, took place presumably since the middle of the 18th century. It seems certain, however, that some forerunners of them had paved the way toward the northwest in a more or less earlier time and absorbed several of heterogeneous elements especially from the Western Plain. The relatively rapid expansion of the Atayal was accompanied by splitting into various tribes, now amounting to about thirty in number as a whole, each of which is generally a federation of villages in a definite drainage as the territory of a political unit. 2. The territory of the Saisiyat, which had once covered a fairly wide sphere in the northwestern part of the present distribution area of the Atayal, has much dwindled before the invading Atayal. 3. After having had absorbed various heterogeneous elements from the Western Plain and elsewhere and diverged into five tribes in their homeland situating in the central west of the Formosan mountains, the Bunun migrated to the east and south. The start of this migration seems to date back to the earlier half of the 18th century, though a still earlier offshoot, the Takopulan tribe to the south of the Northern Tsou, had already arrived in the present-day territory as is evident from the Dutch documents of the middle of the 17th century. In spite of such an expansion of the Bunun, as comparable with that of the Atayal, further splitting of the tribe did not ensue. This was perhaps due mainly to the wider range of intra-tribal marriage based upon the rather complicated system of clan or phratry exogamy, along with various social effects thereof, which, in all, seem to have prevented splitting of tribe. 4. The Tsou, who had once occupied far wider area in the southwestern part of central Formosa, have retreated to the present territory, owing to the invasion of the Bunun in the east and of the Plain Aborigines and Chinese immigrants in the west. Under such a

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  • 池田 敏雄
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 155-160
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
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    In 1946, the present author made a research work on the Formosan Chinese, living in the ward Bangkah of Tai-peh city, whose ancestors had come from Fu-chien province, southern China. His manuscript, being an outcome of this research work, contains : Chapter I Pregnancy ; Chapter II Childbirth ; and Chapter III Post-Natal Care, and this article is composed of several passages drawn from the Chapter I. Various magical performances are observed even just after the girl's betrothal in view of securing or invigorating her fecundity. The ideal of the patriarchal family, after which the male infant is appreciated far more highly than the female one, reflects itself in such performances. For instance, if a woman passes through under lantern on the 15th of January of the lunar calendar, she will become pregnant with male child, because both 'lantern' and 'male person' are teng here in the Fu-chien dialect of Bang-kah. It is customary that, three days after her delivery, the woman concerned eats chicken. When the baby was male, other women want to have a share of giblets of the chicken, in view of becoming homoeopathically pregnant with male child by eating that share. The belief that the adoption of child leads to pregnancy is found widespread in Japan's mainland, Ryukyu islands, and Ponape. In Bang-kah, however, it is believed that the adopted child, irrespective of its sex, shall bring its younger brother for the foster-mother. Sterile women call in a female shaman (ang-i) or pray directly to gods for pregnancy. With this regard, Tsu sin-niu-niu (a goddess presiding pregnancy) is important. According to the folk-belief in Bang-kah, it may happen that a woman becomes pregnant by coming into contact with the south wind. Such a belief is found widely in Ryukyus, aboriginal Formosa, and East Indies. It deserves to notice that both 'south' and 'man' are equally lam in the Fu-chien dialect of Bang-kah. Whereas the custom of pregnant woman to have a belly-belt bound in the later period during pregnancy is widespread in East Indies, aboriginal Formosa, Japan, etc., this is not found in Bang-kah, except that the woman has white cloth as a bellybelt bound after her delivery, lest her belly, it is said, become big and ill-shaped.
  • 国分 直一, 潮地 悦三郎
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 161-178
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
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  • 平沢 亀一郎, 井上 伊之助, 石田 英一郎, 馬淵 東一, 宮本 延人, 佐山 融吉, 瀬川 孝吉, 鈴木 秀夫, 横尾 広輔
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 179-190
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 陳 奇祿
    原稿種別: 本文
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 191-192
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 193-
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 193-
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. 193-
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. Cover2-
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1954 年 18 巻 1-2 号 p. Cover3-
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
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