In this essay, the author presents an analysis of Korean kinship circles in the rural districts, based primarily on an analysis of the present-day situation with due consideration given to historical background. The argument is dividedinto two sections; the problems in terms of legal history, and the results of some field researches conducted by the author and his colleagues. First, the limit of the recognition of kin is examined historically, analyzing the details of mourning grades of several important legal regulations issued in different periods in Korean history, such as Gofuku-seido (the five-graded mourning institution) of the Koma dynasty, Keikoku-taiten (1461), Shirei-binran (1844) etc. ・・・ The comparative analysis of these regulations reveals that in spite of chronological differences they share the fundamentally similar pattern in terms of the limit of kin subject to a mourning grade. One of the noticeable tendencies through the series of these regulations is the gradual development of the status differentiation among the collateral members between the successor of the house and non-successors. Further the discussion extends to the regulations of the recognized kin of Keihodaizen (1905) and Kanshu-chosa-hokoku (1910), the range of which is found wider than the mourning grades of above regulations. In comparison with the patterns of kin circles traced through above historical legal regulations, including the modern civil code, he presents the analysis of a range and function of a set of recognized kin among contemporary farmers. The author arranges his data collected from seven villages according to the classification applied by Han-Yi Feng: relatives through father, relatives through mother, relatives through husband, and relatives through wife. And he employs the following criteria for the recognition of close relatives: 1) subjective aspects・・・・・・ the consciousness of familiarity and respect. 2) objective aspects・・・・・・ a) attendance and aid at wedding and funeral ceremonies, b) aid in disasters and sickness, and c) the frequnecy of social intercourse in ordinary life. Through the analysis the author suggests several important issues on the kinship study in rural Korea. Firstly, the range of the paternal and maternal kin varies according to the sex of Ego, particularly he draws attention to the case of female Ego, which has been overlooked by previous studies. Secondly he reveals the importance of, and actual close relation with, wife's kin, which has been tended to be disregarded against the traditional orientation toward the paternal kin. The range of kin designed by laws and regulations is framed centred on the paternal kin and includes very little affines, particularly wife's side; and even moral attitude takes an expression of disregarding wife's kin, though in actuality they have very close relations with them. He explains these two different categories of kin in terms of Korean consciousness: it is the formal respect which is directed toward paternal kin, and the informal familiarity toward wife's and mother's kin. Thirdly, if the kinship is viewed from the actual function in rural areas, a set of kin is recognized in terms of a household, rather than of an individual. Finally he hopes this essay would stimulate further nation-wide scientific researches on Korean kinship.

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The Kei association in Korea is very similar in structure and function to the Ko (講) group in Japan. The same is true of the Pumashi in Korea and the Yui in Japan. The Kei and the Ko assosications offer efficient and reasonable ways for financial cooperation when it is needed by the community, while the Pumashi and the Yui are applied to solveve the problem of labor cooperation. All four groups are apparently based on the supposition that all human beings are equal. How and when does the Kei association work? According to the rules of the Kei, each member is required to contribute a certain amount of property whenever it is needed by the community to accomplish any communal work; every person who satisfies the requirement is in turn guaranted a perfectly equal right. Thus the Kei group is undoubtedly financial in character. Whatever other object it may have, an association which is organized to meet the financial needs of the community falls in to the category of the Kei groups. The Ko association in Japan solves communal financial problems in exactly the same way, although some cultural differences may exist between the two growps. This argument applies with the same cogency to the relationship between the Pumashi and the Yui associations. Both represent a method of labor cooperation although are some cultural differences. According to the rules of Pumashi, if A offers his labor to B, B is required to return the equivalent labor to A. This principle extends to matual help among more than three members of the Pumashi group; the value of the labor is calculated in accordance with the differences in sex and years of age of the laborer.

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寵細工はどのような内容を持っているか。寵細工の特徴は何か。それらの問題を,主として,東日本の幾つかの例を念頭に置きながら,考えてみようと思う。生活文化の形態の相違が寵細工に如何なる影響を及ぼしたかを考察することは,結局,寵細工を発達せしめた生活文化の型を明らかにし,また,寵細工の基本的な内容構成を理解する手掛りを与えてくれるであろう。そこで,まず,マダケやモウソウダケを主材料とする所謂大竹細工(おおたけざいく)に属する寵細工について,相異なる2つの事例を紹介してみよう。

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1961年8月,ハワイ大学で第10回太平洋学術会議が開かれ,私も討議に参加する機会を得た。文化人類学の中には, G. P. MURDOCKを座長とするSymposium on Descent and Residential Group Structuresがあり,そのpaper2においてケムブリッジ大学のE. R. LEACHは'On certain unconsidered aspects of double descent systems'というテーマのもとに,出自descentと認知関係filationについて,興味ある問題を提起している。Double descentの問題は,わかったようでいて,その実わからない面が多いまゝ, Radcliffe-Brownのいう性格をそのまゝうのみにしてきた感がなくもない。Leachの問題提起を機会に再検討してみるのも無駄ではなかろう。以下Leachのpaperの要旨を紹介し,終りに私見を若干加えてみたいと思う。

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