This paper which is to analyse the basic idea of the Gurung afterworld view, is based on the data collected by the writer in Lamjung district of Nepal. Although the funeral ritual the writer has observed differs from the ones described by Bernard Pignede in its religious background, we can see the same underlying idea, the concept of the soul and cosmology. Especially in this paper, the writer has analysed the meaning of some funeral songs which B. Pignede was unable to record. As a result of the analysis we can summarize the following principles : 1) In spite of a considerable degree of articulation to the regional principle in secular aspects of the Gurung society, the afterworld view of the Gurungs represents a shamanistic cosmology. 2) The idea is exclusively conveyed through the verbal medium of funeral songs (Ta sa : raba, Ta ma : laba and Hyula Koe) that the soul of the dead makes journey to the next world which is the original home of its ancestors. 3) The mythology of the other world is preserved much in the rites by priests (klebri) and sorcerers (p'ajyu), while the idea of the secular Gurungs about it is very simple and direct. 4) The Gurung cosmology basically consists in Shamanism as found in their original and mythological villages expressed in the words "yokur tults'u" and "milku ts'o". Along with this concept, the universe structure of the Gurungs is characterized by its dual-or triad-unity symbolism. According to the Gurung concept, the world as a whole is divided into two parts, namely this side (ts'o) and the other one (chhaala) and again the latter into heaven (k'l'ya) and the underworld (k'ro). 5) The dual-unity symbolism as found in the Gurung afterworld view is not only a set of cognitive classifications for ordering the Gurung universe. It is also a set of evocative devices for rousing and channeling ambivalent emotion caussd by sudden separation from this world. Therefore, we can easilly reach the following hypothesis : Gurung priests (lama or klebri) have to do with heavan when they send the soul of the dead (p'la) to its final destination of ancestors' home (l'a or k'iya), whereas sorcerers (p'ajyu) communicate with the underworld as guardians of the dead soul against the cannibal ghosts (mo).

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The purposes of the thesis are to analize Japanese folk belief with three basic concepts, hare, kegare and ke, and to discuss the structure of the folk belief. The concept of hare is concerned with the sacred, the pure, the clean, the good and the happy. The concept of kegare is concerned with the filthy, the bad, the ominous and sin. The concept of ke is concerned with the common, the usual, the profane, the neutral, not hare and not kegare. Generally speaking, Japanese religious activities are separated into two parts : one is concerned with the concept of hare and the other is with the concept of kegare. New Year ceremony, ceremonies concerning with farming and fiahing, rites of passage and any kind of ceremonies held have in a Shinto shrine are considered hare events. Death, child birth, menstruation, illness, injury and sexual intercourses are in the concept of kegare. Therefore, a funeral ceremony, a graveyard, a situation of child birth, woman in menstruation and a deformed person are kegare matters. In Chapter I, I discuss thess concepts in detail and set a model. In Chapter II, I mention abundant data concerning the religious life on community level. The case of Section (1) is an agricultural mountain village. The village looks like being full of evil spirits and petulant gods. Futhermore, more than forty per cents of the households in the village are considered having predisposition to witches. The spirits and gods easily find kegare matters and cause illness and unhappiness. Therefore, the villagers are very sensitive to kegare and this concept is emphasized in their religious life. The case of Section (2) is a prosperous fishing village. The villagers often have Shinto ceremonies and bless good fishing in the ceremonies. Most parts of their religious activities are concerned with the concepts of hare. The concept of kegare is repressed in their life. The case of Section (3) is another agricultural mountain village. The villagers get their livelihood from agriculture and forestry half-and-half. The villagers have very complex and unstable religious ideas. They have replusion towards Buddhism more or less, although the village has Buddhist temples as a custom lasting several centuries. Some households cut their ties with those Buddhist temple and they hold Shintoist funeral ceremonies handled by a Shinto priest. In their religious life, Buddhism is sharply opposied to folk beliefs and Shintoism. The opposition can be considered a conflict between the concepts of hare and kegare. In Chapter III I discuss the models of hare, kegare and ke and the structure of Japanese folk belief.

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Most of the field researches on the cultural and linguistic minority groups who are living with their own indigenous cultures scatteringly all over the Philippine Islands have been conducted by American anthropologists. Among them, especially concerning the mountain people in northern Luzon, we can find many suggestive reports on kinship system and social organization based on precise field works done over a long time. These papers, however, have not yet analized and developed their theories about emergence or formation of mono-lineality (Mabuchi) in the Philippine cognatic folk societies, notwithstanding some papers are indicating factors which bring about unilineal phenomena. As far as the Ifugao are concerned, the existence of a bilateral=cognatic descent group has been pointed out, but they never state clearly about its social function. From such a point of view, the writer is trying to analize the kinship system of the Kiangan, Ifugao through the data she collected at Kiangan, Ifugao, during the period from March 1969 to July 1970. It is a hypothesis in this paper that the Ifugao kinship system is organized as a group set up with two kinship structural principles, his-puun and hin-tutulang. The former is applied to the concept of cognatic stock (Firth), the latter the concept of personal kindred (Leach, Davenport). This hin-puun has a series of genealogy and the hin-tutulang has its function as the organized group concerning the right of inheritance of kinship property. By duplication and unity of these two kinship recognitions, the active kinship group of the kiangan Ifugao can be defined as a grouping with the nature of corporate group, while making us understand it easily as a cognatic descent line. It is still question able to regard hin-puun as an ancestor-oriented group because the Kiangan Ifugao nowadays extract a certain prominent ancestor from among the dead kinsmen (ego's eight pairs of great great grand-parents) and make him or her as representative of the kinsmen. Besides this, prominent ancestor is likely to be considered as founder of the kinship group in accordance with his or her adopted family name. And he or she will gradually become the very founder of the kinship group, by moving up from the mere representative of hin-puun, the original meaning of the puun being root, origin or beginning. However, whenever they perfom an agricultural ritual, their native priest=mumbaki demands all dead kinsmen of the couple who are the sponsor of the ritual, to attend it. This indicates that the prominent ancestor is not treated as the founder thoroughly. Therefore at this stage of social organization of the Kiangan Ifugao, their kinship group might be defined as "a multitudinous ancestors-based group". Only when they fully treat a certain ancestor as the founder of their kin group, not as the mere representative, the writer may be able to reckon the hin-puun "ancestor-oriented group" to produce mono-lineality and at the same time forecast the emergence and formation of a certain specific family-line.

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Man acquired a splendid technique of "Knotting" in his primitive age. Using this first constuctrive technique, they could hunt animals, catch fishes and transport things. In fact, we can easily understand it form the living of present uncivilized peoples. In tying knots, we need a good combination between "Hardware" (string materials or things tied) and "Software" (techniques how to tie), and this is called the "System of Knotting". We can find many kinds of string materials, the shapes of things tied, also techniques how to tie. A splendid "System of Knotting" consists of the best combination of above 3 elements, Out of the fundamental knotting system, we can make a higher "System of Knotting" by giving it the meanings (software) such as "Signification", "Mark", "Ornament" and "Courtesy. What is the higher "System of Knotting"?- We can find 3 systems such as "System of mental Knotting", "System of intellectual Knotting" and " System of courteous-ornament Knotting". It brings about a "Variety of application of Knotting" because a fundamental knot is used for many other purposes. So, we can find 75 kinds of knottng in sum number, though there are only 46 kinds of the fundamental knot. We can make clear the construction theory of knot and also "Variety of application of Knottig" only by analyzing the Knot systematically.

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