The present paper discusses the village structure in contemporary rural Korea, primarily through the analysis of ch'inhan-sai (Korean friendship) on Which Kye system is based. I isolate roughly two separate fields or types of social relations which subsume most of the interactions of the people in the village. The first is with regard to kinship relations based on munjung (Korean lineage) membership and the ascribed status in it. In the village on which the data of this paper is based, there are two dominant munjung, It is apparent that the patrilineal principle, as well as seniority, has a great effect on the community structure. The second embraces the personal relationships people become involved in for the purpose of mutual assistance in daily life and during life crisis, by manipulating the personal interactions. The kye system and the ch'inhan-sai relation are of primary importance in this field. Generally speaking, the first social field regulated by the kinship system has been a major concern for many students, while the second has been given only secondary, residual meaning in the studies of the Korean community. The kye is the formal organization for activities of many kinds in this field ; preparing for a funeral or wedding ceremony, saving, approval of mutual intimacy, etc. The kye is, in general, organized by as few as lo members who are same in sex and generation, and observe the contractual principle of give-and-take. The kye is, therefore, a temporary organization, because it is broken up when all members are paid in equal, and its membership is not succeeded to, with only a few exceptions. The duration of each kye organization, therefore, depends primarily on the number of members ; the more members, the larger amount of funds one can get in case of need, in exchange for a small personal contribution, while the more risks he must run due to the longer duration. Among 94 households in the village concerned, more than 130 kyes of various kinds and durations are organized, overlapping in their memberships. A Kye is planned and organized by two or three core members intimate with each other in everyday life, and the rest are recruited from among their common, close friends. Ch'inhan-sai (friendship) can be achieved, only according to the context of explicit social principles ; seniority, segregation of sex, lineage membership. In this sense, the most intimate dyadic ch'inhan-sai is to be found between tonggap (set of the same age) , regardless of lineagemembership, is of special importance, and, in many cases, constitutes the longer-term commitment to join the common-interest activities, and also contributes to form a personal cell, while the primary ch'inhan-sai relation is, most commonly achieved between elders and youngers of the same generation, but of different lineage membership, on the ground that the latter follow the strict code of reverence for the former. Personal interaction to be found within the ch'inhan-sai is in contrast with the relation of kakkaun-sai (near relation) to be found between close kinsmen; ch'inhan-sai relation is informal, and can be manipulated by personal will, on the contrary, kakheun-sai relation is strictly regulated by the ascribed norms, according to the relative status, to be more explicit between close skinsmen, and in consequence, behavior is rather formal. Even within the same lineage, members of different segments of sub-divisions do not stand in kakkaun-sai, and can achieve relatively friendly and informal relation, in the situations kinship norms can be flexibly applied, especially through the middleman of different lineage, who is in ch'inhan-sai relation with both two.

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J.F. Embree, who in 1950, characterized Thai Society as 'A Loosely Structured Social System', pointed out that considerable variations of individual behavior tend to be sanctioned in Thai Society. His suggestion may still be instructive to the understanding of the nature of interpersonal relationships among the non-European societies, as the recent controversy of "LOOSELY STRUCTURED SOCIAL SYSTEMS" witnesses. However, this theory may need some elaboration, because the concepts of "individual behavior", "individualism" and "Buddhist values" often used by him and his followers, are vague, and the analysis of the relation between the former two concepts and the latter, is insufficient. In consideration of these points in this paper, we want to give shape to that feature of the Thai behavioral pattern and to make the relation between that feature and the ethics of Buddhism clear. For that purpose, we must first reexamine what was vaguely implied by the terms of "individual behavior" and "individualism", namely, the nature of interpersonal relationships within Thai Society, and secondly the nature of interpersonal relationships affected by the ethics of Buddhism. Now if we examine several recent ethnographies - especially those by HANKS, PHILLIPS, KAUFMAN, MOERMAN, TAMBIAH, and MIZUNO etc. - concerning the features of interpersonal relationships in Thai peasant society, it becomes clear that in almost all parts of Thailand, relationships show a sort of intermittence based on one's own volition, mutual equality and reciprocity. Turning to the ideal form of interpersonal relationships, expressed in the ethics of Buddhism at village level (="little-tradition") the studies concerning the complex conception of "Merit" by INGERSOLL. TAMBIAH, and MOERMAN etc, make it clear that all the interpersonal relationships in connection with the acquisition of "Merit", show a sort of intermittence based one's own volition, mutual equality and reciprocity. Thus the feature is perfectly consistent with that of the interpersonal relationships found in the domain of life irrelevant to the acquisition of "Merit". This may be a matter of course in a sense, because both of them are included in "little-tradition" which was defined by REDFIELD, and are directly connected with villagers. Therefore, both the examination of "great-tradition" which makes a pair with such "little-tradition" and of the relation between the two traditions particularly come into question. Thereupon if we examine the interpersonal relationships, extended in the Buddhist scriptures (="great-tradition"), it also becomes clear that the ideal form shows a sort of intermittence based on one's own volition, mutual equality and reciprocity. Incidentally, if we refer to the backgrounds of the ideal form of interpersonal relationships shown in "great-tradition", we can point out the Buddhist doctrine of "Suffering" and "Salvation" as the background of the features such as one's own volition, mutual equality and reciprocity, and the idea of "Uncertainty" .as that of the feature such as intermittence. we can also point out the view of "the fluid world m the two traditions, which seems to have some connection with the behavioral pattern in question. To put it in the concrete, "little-tradition" offers a view of the world where each of the beings occupies a different position respectively, owing to the accumulated quantity of its own "Merit", but the position seems temporary because of its continual change. Needless to say, the world of human beings is regarded as a part of such a world.

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The totem pole is the characteristically sculptured pole that had a great vogue over the northwest coast of North America from approximately the mid-19th century to the early 20th .century. The poles can be divided into at least four types, namely, detached or memorial poles, grave or mortuary posts, entrance poles, and house posts. The sculptured images represent animals and human being, and they are principally the symbols of the myths and legends in which they play certain important roles. These details are exemplified in the Chief Johnson's Pole and some other poles now preserved in Ketchikan, southeast Alaska. According to ethnographical studies, many of those animals and human beings functioned as emblems of the clan and house groups, and, therefore, the right to use them in sculpture was restricted to the appropriate clan or house group members. As it is well known, the northwest coast Indians developed a complicated system of ranking, and the emblem of a clan represented not only the descent of the owner but also his position and privileges in the ranking order. The totem pole is not the object of any worship nor possessed of religious meaning but merely the symbol of the descent, rank, and privileges of its owner. The northwest coast Indians came into contact with the white men in the 18th century, and it is intriguing to note that few documents of that period of the early contact relate any information about the high poles, and only a few cases of the grave posts and house posts are mentioned. On the other hand, later observers of the 19th and 20th centuries rarely overlooked the spectacle of bristling poles, and almost all observers with intimate experiences in the region told that the poles became popular in the late half of the 19th century. This sudden popularity once led to a hypothesis that the totem poles were made under the influence of some alien culture such as the Polynesian or Melanesian. It is most reasonable, however, that the vogue is a fairly recent phenomenon, while the origin of the sculptured poles can be traced back to the house post and grave post. In the 19th century, perpetual contact with the white men caused considerable disturbance in the native society by introducing various epidemics and economic oppression. The native people also suffered from depopulation and shifting from their traditional localities. This was a serious situation for the natives, since one's position in the descent and ranking order was no more a well-known and well-established fact. Every one was anxious to insist on his own rights and privileges whenever any reordering was attempted, thus these ranking symbols began to be erected ostentatiously in front of the house. These poles were to declare to the public and to make it recognize the owner's descent and rank. Thus, it is without doubt that the vogue of the totem poles is a phenomenon which originated within the historical situation when contact with the white men became permanently established resulting in considerable disturbance of the native social organization. Furthermore, it may be likely that the vogue is a visual outcry of the self-assertion of the native cultural tradition at the time of its decomposition. Entering into the 20 th century, new villages were formed around the churches, and the houses acquired windows, ceilings and room partitions to be not different from the houses of the white men. With this change, the old communal houses were abandoned as well as the totem poles. Few people were interested in hearing the myths told by the aged men of the tribe. Finally, the native people were incorporated into the white men's society as the lowest class or partly independent minority groups.

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La succession au pouvoir supreme dans un systeme politique centralise resume l'aspect dynamique de la structure politique. Elle oblige a resoudre la contradiction immanente a la structure entre la centralisation qui reclame l'unicite du pouvoir supreme, et les tendances centrifuges du fait de l'augmentation des collateraux a chaque generation, et par consequent, entre la hierarchisation et la segmentation. Cet article vise a analyser le mode de succession au pouvoir supreme des cinq systemes politiques des Mosi-Mamprusi-Dagomba, apparentes du point de vue historique, mais differencies quant a leur mode d'integration politique. Ces cinq systemes sont ceux des Mosi du nord (Yatenga), des Mosi du centre (Ouagadougou), des Mosi du sud (Tenkodogo et Lalgaye), des Mamprusi (Nalerigu) et des Dagomba (Yendi). L'auteur se base sur les materiaux recueillis sur le terrain au cours de sejours qui ont dure au total cinq ans, sur les resultats des recherches entreprises par d'autres ethnologues ainsi que sur les archives administratives. Les points principaux abordes sont : 1 ) l'analyse du principe de succession au pouvoir et des rapports entre les premiers occupants du pays et les conquerants nouveau-venus, exprimes dans la phase legendaire de l'histoire orale ; 2 ) l'examen de la succession au pouvoir en recourant a la phase plus recente et plus verifiable de la genealogie des chefs ; 3) l'analyse comparee du systeme de nomination et de legitimation rituelle du successeur au pouvoir supreme. Les resultats peuvent etre recapitules comme suit 1) Des cas etudies, on peut distinguer differents types de rapports entre les premiers occupants du pays et les nouveau-venus qui les ont domines, rapports qui vont de la sollicitation des autochtones aux nouveau-venus de les dominer et de les proteger (les Mosi du centre) a lextermination quasi totale des maitres de terre, ou des doyens des premiers occupants (les Dagomba) . 2) Etroitement lies a ces rapports initiaux des deux groupes, on peut reconnaitre trois modes de resolution de la contradiction successorale susmentionnee : (a) la hierarchisation des collateraux nommes en tant que chefs locaux, dominant eux-memes les autochtones qui, integres pacifiquement dans le regime, gardent leurs prerogatives au sujet des cultes chtoniens; elle s'accompagne d'une tendance plus frequente a la succession filiale pour les Mosi du centre, et plus episodique pour les Mosi du nord, apres notamment un chef expansionniste ; (b) la rivalite et la segmentation des collateraux et les deplacements frequents du chef-lieu soit dans l'espace inhabite, soit en chassant ou en integrant partiellement les autochtones (les Mosi du sud) ; (c) Ia succession collaterale par rotation, avec un chef-lieu fixe et un corps electoral stable et puissant qui ont pu etre favorises par le commerce a longue distance (les Mamprusi) . 3) Dans tous les cas etudies (sauf celui du Lalgaye) , il y a une prescription qui exclut de la candidature tous ceux dont le pere n'a pas exerce le pouvoir supreme. Si la succession collaterale par rotation se pratique d'une maniere stable (comme chez les Mamprusi) , le fils d'un chef precedent se trouve le plus eloigne dans la succession, mais dans les autres cas la relation entre le chef regnant et ses fils-surtout l'aine-revet un caractere ambivalent d'ou derive certainement l'eloignement coutumier du premier fils du chef regnant jusqu'a la mort de celui-ci (les Mosi et les Dagomba) ; tandis que chez les Mamprusi au contraire, les rapports etroits sont institutionnalises entre le pere et le fils aine par le systeme de regence du fils aine (gbandaana) aupres de son pere regnant.

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