One could say that so-called systematic approaches to human communication by applying general system theory, cybernetics, information theory, etc., has promoted comprehensive understanding of the matter, although it has not become crystal clear yet. For instance, the term"information"has a diversity of meanings according to which layer of human communication processes is referred to. When it comes to what is essential to human communication, the description becomes abstract, and the language of information science, i.e., of physical science, is unable to cover it completely because of a gap between physical information and semantic information. In this paper, we argue that the properties of each of these two sectors of information should be ascribed to such a dislocation, and we should aim to define the qualitative difference between them. First, the type of information attributed to information science is one that can be represented completely as a material entity or a physical object which has nothing to do with semantic meaning nor interpretation. On the other hand, the type of information which one can regard as signs of human communication has on physical relation between"sign"and"referent", therefore, its linkage should be made in the inner process of the persons concerned, and inevitably this procedure should be a very intimate experience of these persons. Hence, the latter kind of information leads neither directly nor automatically to a definite response, but essentially involves the intermediate steps of cognition. It is the mutual understanding on this level which defines a sign usage in a specific situation that makes interpersonal communication possible. The problem is, as far as human communication signs are concerned, that one can objectify only the sensible aspect of the sign but not the emotional aspect, since there is no clear distinction between the subjective and the objective phases of this aspect. Therefore, the question is, in regard to semantic information, how one discerns objectively the very"private"association of signal, sign and symbol to its referent accomplished by cognition that a priori consists in physical information. In this paper, however, we assert that one could not attain these ends, at least under the present conditions, neither in case of one who externally observes a communication event nor in the case of one who participates simultaneously as a participant. The fact that we communicate on an indefinable basis forms a cleavage between physical information and semantic information, and also grounds why one is not to rely exclusively on the language of physical science as the essential part of human communication.
This paper investigates some problems in a theory of the superiority of mass audience to mass media. The superiority of mass audience to mass media is one of the most important and most actual topics in mass communication studies. Generally, it is very appropriate thinking that the audience has gained superiority over the mass media, during the progress of the High-Information Society in the last 10 years. In Japan, many commentators refers to this theme. For example, Takeshi Sato mentions that the change from reciever to decoder is requirement of our information-age(Sato, T.1988, 1990). Tatsuo Inamasu also refers to the new-type TV watchers who decode the TV program without the restriction of the communicator's intention. Futhermore, a special feature of new study of the audience in the Japanese Journalism Review 37(1988) is the regulary academic correspondence to this theme. Incidentally, "the cultural studies", which investigate the relation of the culture and the media, have many influences on these studies in Japan. For example, Sato's theory of the audience has evolved under the influence of"cultural studies"."The cultural studies"have investigated activity of the audience, connecting with the problem of culture and ideology. It is one of the most active theme in our information age. Two affairs are the aim of this paper. One is an overview of studies on the superiority of mass audience to mass media. Principally, this paper focuses on Japanese studies. But I set foreign studies(like"cultural studies") in my range. Another is a theoretical-critical study of them. This article attempts to inquire into the weak point and potential of the"decoder"theory, by focusing on the theme of recievers decoding in mass communication process. Contents 0. preface: The evolution of the information society and activity of the audience. 1. The discussion of the audience's activity in Japan. ・studies of the superiority of mass audience in Japan. ・two groups. 2. The problem of the"decoder"theory. ・the influence of the"cultural studies". ・discussion of the decoding as a"differentiationing"・problem of the"decoder"theory in Japan. 3. For the conversion from"decoder"theory to interactive communication theory: a proposition of the concept"Social-cultural coherence at exposure to media". 4. Conclusion:For the new contribution to the mass communication studies.
Ticou Shijan, a Chinese newspaper puplished in the latter half of the 18th century, is preserved in Japan's National Diet Library, the University of Tokyo, and in the hands of a Chinese collector. Ticou Shijan is seen as a daily newspaper, published by Gongshen Tang in Beijing during the Qing Dynasty. Di Bao and Jing Bao are commonly known as China's ancient newspapers. Many editions of Jing Bao are conserved, but the oldest one comes 100 years after Ticou Shijan was published. The name Di Bao is mentioned in historic documents, But hardly any of its editions are to be found. Di Bao was published in a housing for government officials in charge of correspondence. The paper served as source of information for"Di", a municipal director, and the Emperor in Beijing. Reports and orders were printed in the paper. Some historians see Ticou Shijan as Di Bao. However, Gongshen Tang, the publisher, is seen as a private printing company. Since Di Bao is published from an official source, it may be appropriate to separate it from Ticou Shijan, and acknowledge Ticou Shijan as the oldest surviving newspaper. Ticou Shijan was published for 30 years between June, 1771 to 1801, and edition for 86 days have been found so far. Information in this newspaper deals with reports submitted to the Emperor by the ministers, and instructions and orders by the Emperor, as well as appointment, promotion, and demotion of government officials. The newspaper is six pages long and contains about 1500 characters. Some form of editing had been used, as the newspaper had extra pages at times, and also had serials. The quality of the paper, characters, and printing are poor, reflecting the quality of materials available during that time. This proves that the newspaper was not printed for preservation, but solely for giving out information. Ticou Shijan apparently targeted readers in all classes, as the level of some of the government officials written about in the paper was not so high. At times, the paper had a circulation of over one hundred which also shows that the paper was read by many people. Another character of the newspaper was the speed of publication. Official information was published in this paper ten days after the government's announcement, or up to half a month at the latest. This is verified through Qing Shi Lu, a government document compiled during the Qing Dynasty. It is needless to say that the speed is slow compared to today, but may have been fast considering the political and social situation during that time.
In recent years, there has been considerable interest in a phenomenon called'urban legends.'Both rumors and urban legends are orally transmitted from person to person, but the latter stand in great contrast to the former, which has been studied thoroughly. The research on urban legends, on the other hand, leaves a lot to be desired. In this paper, I will consider rumors as a form of communication handed down from generation to generation. First, I will recapitulate the sociological studies of rumors, and stipulate that the interpretation of the topic (rumor) always has leaned towards'rumor as information'and'rumor as public opinion'. The reason for this can be found in the view of communication itself as a transmission process. Second, I will stress the need to understand rumors from the viewpoint of interactionism in communication. This is to say, instead of splitting the comprehension of rumors up into an instrumental and an intentional frame, it is better to grasp the meaning of rumors as something common to a great number of people. I will rely on Alfred Schutz's Life-World theory, because this theory explains the relation between the individual and society. Another reason is that it explains the problem of the possibility of individuals maintaining different Life-Worlds. More specifically this theory seems to answer the questions'why certain individuals have rumors in common'and'why a large number of people know the same rumors'. In conclusion, whether people have rumors in common or not, depends on the system of relevance created in each and every situation of communication. Thirdly, to understand rumors, one needs to get a grip on the everyday life-world (world of daily life), the source of relevances, of the people who have rumors in common. The impossibility of grasping the everyday life-world seems to be inherent to its being'taken-for-granted'. On the contrary, I note that the affinity that exists between rumors and the intersubjective everyday life-world that they rely upon, makes it possible not just to'analyze rumors', but to get on insight into this'taken-for-granted'everyday life-world'via rumors'. I conclude by proposing for the study of rumors a detailed methodology, very different from the one used hitherto.
The"Marketplace of Ideas"theory, articulated and explicated by Justice Holmes and Justice Brandeis of the Supreme Court in the early 20th century, has played a crucial role in the development of the free speech theory in America. The essential scheme of this theory, called the"Holmes/Brandeis tradition", serves as a basic framework for free speech thought even at the present time. However, this theory has some problematic tendencies: an underestimation of speech harm(harm done by speach) and belief in a rigid division of speech and conduct. Indeed, these tendencies are the products of the factual situation unique to that time, but they came to be called into question, as the scope of the protection under the First Amendment was expanded to include"peripheral"speech, which in the Holmes/Brandeis view used to be outside this protection. Against these tendencies, a new trend of criticism arose in the last decade. The critics in the 1980's advocated the need to trim the margin of free speech protection, claiming that speech does harm to the weak such as women and racial minorities, and the free speech system works to perpetuate the current disparity of power in the private sphere. To ameliorate the status quo, they call for speech regulation as a corrective measure. Inspired by this criticism, there came a series of movements to"reconstruct"the"Marketplace of Ideas"theory around 1990. The basic feature of them, exemplified in the works of Bollinger, Sunstein and Strauss, lies in the search for possibility that there might be some middle course, superior to either the"Holmes/Brandeis"approach or the approach of the critics of the 1980's. They squarely care about the speech harm and reconceptualize free speech by attenuating the sharp line drawn between speech and conduct. This enterprise is still in the embryonic stage and one needs to follow the further development for an evaluation. But at least for now, the"reconstruction"can be seen as a worthy one, carving out a new way in free speech thinking.
When was the beginnig of Japanese newspaper managed in Manchuria? Who founded this newspaper and what were the reasons lying behind it are the subjects of this thesis. Manchuria Nippo was the first Japanese newspaper managed in Manchuria. Under the military rule, it was founded by Nakajima Masao, who was asked by the military government in Yingkou of Manchuria on the 26th of july in 1905. This Manchuria Nippo has not been well-known until recently. Newspaper Manchuria Nippo Since Japan invaded Manchuria, there were four kinds of daily newspapers published under the name of Manchuria Nippo, namely: 1) Manchuria Nippo founded by Nakajima Masao in Yingkou on July 26, 1905. 2) Manchuria Nippo founded by Nakajima Masao in Fengtian on December 5, 1907. 3) Manchuria Nippo in Dalian, on November 1, 1927, as a result of the merger of Ryoto Shinbun and Manchuria Nichinichi Shinbun. 4) Manchuria Nippo founded in Xinjing by the merger of Manchuria Shinbun and Manchuria Nichinichi Shinbun on April, 1944. This thesis is about Manchuria Nippo in Yingkou, the first newspaper managed by Japanese Even though Manchuria Nippo in Yingkou had no direct relation with the others (except with Manchuria Nippo in Fengtian), its existence was crucial since it was a start of Japanese newspaper activities in Manchuria. Moreover, people who worked for this newspaper were the ones who portrayed a great influence on the management of the Japanese newspaper in the later period. This thesis is composed of nine parts as follows: 1) the historical background until the opening of the port in Yingkou 2) the invasion of Yingkou by Japan 3) the founding of Manchuria Nippo in Yingkou 4) the policy of publishing Manchuria Nippo and its characteristics 5) the development of Manchuria Nippo 6) the composition of articles of Manchuria Nippo 7) the newspaper activities of Nakajima Masao 8) the relation between Nakajima Masao and Manchuria Nippo 9) conclusion