This study overviews the discussion held at the symposium titled "70 years of 'Popular Culture and the War,'" held on June 13, 2015, as a part of the spring convention of the Japan Society for Studies in Journalism and Mass Communication. The author also explores potentialities of the content analysis approach for the further progress of studies of the description of war in popular culture. The author chaired the symposium and had a meaningful discussion with the speakers regarding how the pieces of Japanese popular culture have described the war and how this can contribute to the construction of the "collective memories of war" shared by ordinary Japanese people. The feature articles for this edition are contributed by the speakers, including the author. This study also reviews the author's previous content analysis of the pieces of "girls' comics" as well as a well-known comic Barefoot Gen, featuring a boy victim of the Atomic Bomb in Hiroshima as a protagonist. Based on the findings of the studies, the author considers the possible contribution of approaches based on content analysis to clarify the way in which the "collective memories" of Japanese ordinary people regarding the war were constructed through exposure to the pieces of popular culture.
This study focuses on popular songs concerning "the war and women" in post-war Japan. In particular, three songs were examined: Akiko Kikuchi's "Hoshi no Nagare ni" and "Ganpeki no Haha" released in 1947 and 1954, respectively, and Yuriko Futaba's popular remake of "Ganpeki no Haha" released in 1972. These songs were analyzed in connection with the societal background in which they gained popularity, including the influence of mainstream values as well as concepts of women and mothers that were held at the time. The results of this analysis suggested that directly after the war ended, many Japanese women were despondent and pushed into prostitution because of an impoverished society. The song "Hoshi no Nagare ni" conveys the sorrows of prostitution, and this theme is directly connected to its success. The 1954 hit "Ganpeki no Haha" has strong connections to the suspicion that Japanese citizens felt toward the Self Defense Force, which was established in the same year, as well as to the massive protests in 1960 concerning the US-Japan Defense Treaty. In particular, the general public tended to be influenced by stories about "mothers' sadness," particularly in terms of mothers and children being separated by war. This had powerful correlations with peace-oriented public opinion and anti-rearmament attitudes of the time. However, Yuriko Futaba's mid-1970s remake of "Ganpeki no Haha" gained mass popularity for several reasons. The 1970s witnessed the appearance of the "kyouiku-mama" (literally "education mama") -a type of mother who stressed on education for her children above everything else. The "kyouiku-mama" was considered to be a social problem during the time, and the completely different type of mother presented in "Ganpeki no Haha" produced feelings of longing for an "ideal mother" archetype that was perceived to be lost from the society. Therefore, "Ganpeki no Haha" was highly praised by the general public.
This study examines and compares the films, dramas, and comics that describe air-raids mainly in Japan and Germany. We first consider the definitions and the uses of the words "Kusyu" and "Kubaku," that is, "air-raid." Next, we examine the post-war history of Japan and Germany and the "popularity" of bombardment as a basis of comparison. Thereafter, we characterize the differences and similarities between these countries through examples of Japanese and German works of popular culture. We conclude by presenting memorable descriptions of bombing, such as love during the bombing and the feelings of revenge. However, the bodies and faces of bomber pilots have been re-eliminated from the popular culture of Japan and Germany.
Even today, memories of war are frequently debated and represented in media cultures, although 70 years have passed since the end of the Pacific War. Many tourists visit the war memorial sites in Hiroshima, Okinawa, Chiran, etc. Some war movies, such as Eternal Zero and The Emperor in August (the remake of Japan's Longest Day, originally produced in 1967) became big hits. We can see the desire to "succeed the memories of war" and promote harmony between generations in these popular cultures. However, do such harmonies conceal the suppression of the painful war experiences? Many people are influenced by the stories of war movies or war memorial sites; however, do these emotional impressions lead to indifference to the complicated historical facts? This study analyzes the process of the transformation of memories of war in postwar media cultures to examine the politics of representation and narratives of the war.
The aim of this paper is to align Kyo Machiko's performance style as a vamp actress with the history of Japanese cinema, and explore postwar public consciousness and desire through her star persona. The voluptuous Kyo Machiko made her film debut in 1949 and went on to become one of the leading actresses of the postwar generation. Her rise to stardom was closely related to many of her roles that embodied social phenomenon amid a trend for kasutori culture, in the sexually liberated climate following the Second World War. In contrast to the intense characters on screen, she portrayed herself as modest and graceful, which enabled her to convey multiple messages within the context of her fame. She depicted a dual-star persona as a result of the contrast between her vamp characters in films and her modest, feminine personality in fan magazines; accordingly, she gained fame as a star across generations. Through the 1950s, she appeared in works by some of the greatest Japanese filmmakers, which catapulted her to international stardom. She was sometimes referred to as "the Grand Prix actress." Following the success of Akira Kurosawa's Rashomon (1950), a growing tendency to promote Japanese cinema overseas emerged, eliciting the gaze of Orientalism from Western spectators. International stardom led to an even more complicated gaze on Kyo Machiko's body. Star/Celebrity studies have developed certain methodological frameworks since Richard Dyer's Stars. From a theoretical perspective, this paper focuses on the film star Kyo Machiko as a cultural text, and analyzes how fans or critics viewed both her cinematic persona, performing acts of violence on screen, and her own persona, which represented traditional Japanese imagery in fan magazines. This research concludes that Kyo Machiko's cinematic body became a national body and functioned as an esthetic vehicle, reflecting both the desire of a trans/national identity and the desire to localize her star image for Japanese spectators.
This study aims to examine speech before and after the enforcement of the assembly ordinance. The current study hopes to reveal the political and academic aspects of speech, within both the printed word and oral forms, in relation to the Movement for Civil Rights and Freedom of the 1880s. Speeches were delivered in meetings across the country under the influence of the Diet-establishing movement. The Government of Japan enacted the assembly ordinance in an attempt to prevent the movement. This law targeted political speech, not academic speech, and as such, a problem occurred with what was deemed a "political" subject. In addition, there was a vague range in terms of application of the law and arbitrary enforcement standard. Those who wanted to make a speech found a way to circumvent political speech in terms of form. Therefore, people made academic speeches, held social gatherings, and meetings to comment on newspapers, instead of giving political speeches. However, political speeches were, in fact, delivered in these "non-political" meetings. Police often cracked down on these meetings. Differences between the political and the academic forms led to discussions on the rights and wrongs of speech based on the publications at the time. In particular, in meetings for commentary on newspaper articles, the police did not prohibit the publication of newspapers, but prohibited speech related to newspaper content. The court in the first trial brought in a verdict of not guilty, but the Supreme Court later gave a guilty verdict. This demonstrated the ambiguity of political speech in the law. At the same time, it indicated that people were being arrested for speaking about newspaper content although the same content had already been circulated in print. The administration banned the use of schools as platforms for speeches, and teachers from making them.
This paper aims to reinterpret the activities of the Manga Artists' Association, the Tokyo-Manga-Kai, in terms of a movement attempting to improve the social position of manga, through a socio-historical consideration of the group's significance and limitations. This study seeks to overcome the limitations of conventional studies of manga history by avoiding the a priori assumption that "manga" was always a self-evident category. Rather, it aims to understand how it became possible for manga to be established as a cultural field and how artistic productions came to be consumed as manga. Additionally, the study aims to problematize these as historical phenomena in their own right. To clarify these points, this study focuses on an association of manga artists, rather than readers or the works themselves. Between the Meiji and Taisho periods, the referential category of "manga" encompassed a wide variety of representational forms, with only vague boundaries between manga and other representational media. To understand manga in contemporary terms as the category that oscillated between multiple boundaries, we need to question how manga artists had defined their own position by prioritizing their self-definition. Therefore, this study focuses on Japan's first association of manga artists, the Tokyo-Manga-Kai, and undertakes an analysis of the group's activities. The results of my analysis revealed that, in the Taisho period, without the establishment of manga as an autonomous and bounded field, manga artists were situated in a multi-layered and ambivalent position between the categories of art and journalism, and carried out various movements to define their position. While these movements may appear to have led to the promotion of manga and manga artists, they did not ultimately lead to the elimination of characteristic ambivalence.
This paper discusses the Video Tape Recorder (VTR) spread process in the 1960s and 1970s. Previous studies on videos have mainly focused on two aspects: (1) sexual media and (2) leisure communities' unique consumption. This paper examines how functions such as slow motion, which were usually used by the leisure communities only were prepared in the first process of family spread. This paper researches the industry paper Video Journal in the period 1968-1978. This industrial magazine has a different focus than that of leisure magazines. This magazine discusses multiple markets in the spread process. This paper will examine each market's demands, according to the industry magazine. From the 1960s to the 1970s the video market was supported by an educational demand. Video was a revolutionary media in audio-visual education. Education has diverse functional needs and feedback regarding these needs can reach the market through study groups. These unique functional demands of leisure groups later spread to family use. In the mid -1970s, Video Journal was conscious of the family market, but its development in this market had been late. First, this may be due to a lack of good content on video. But the true reason is the cost of video recording. Thus, the market could not identify families' needs for a long time, and could not predict the time of family spread. Furthermore, educational needs continued and their demand is left. Both family and educational needs continued and their demand is left. Both family and educational needs did not utilize video functions such as slow motion, which were only used by leisure groups.
This study aims to reveal the reconstructive process of the national collective memory of the Great Kanto Earthquake (Kanto Daishinsai) by analyzing anniversary editorials in the following Japanese Newspapers: Tokyo Asahi Shinbun, Osaka Asahi Shinbun, Tokyo Nichinichi Shinbun, Osaka Mainichi Shinbun, Yomiuri Shinbun (1924-1959) and Cyunichi Shinbun, Asahi Shinbun, Mainichi Shinbun, Yomiuri Shinbun (1960-2014). The study considers the quantitative and qualitative changes in these editorials' discourse. In modern times, the Great Kanto Earthquake is a part of the collective memory of Japanese citizens, and also because of the disaster prevention drills conducted as "Disaster Preparedness Day" (Bosai no Hi) on September 1st-the anniversary of the Earthquake ("Shinsai Kinenbi"). However, "Disaster Prevention Day" was also enacted in the year 1960 due to the Ise Bay Typhoon (Isewan Taifu) of 1959. This study revealed that the "Earthquake anniversary" was well documented for several years, but after the tenth year anniversary it was hardly mentioned in the editorials. Additionally, it was recognized that the anniversary had not been in the national collective memory but within local memory. In contrast, since "Disaster Prevention Day" was enacted in 1960, the memory of the earthquake was reconstructed the national collective memory, as can be seen by an increase in the number of articles on the earthquake in the anniversary editorials. National newspapers used the Great Kanto Earthquake to set the agenda for "Disaster Prevention Day." A close relationship can be seen between the Great Kanto Earthquake and "Disaster Prevention Day." That day reminded the people about the Great Kanto Earthquake, whilst the Ise Bay Typhoon was neglected in anniversary editorials. Accordingly, it could be said that the national collective memory of the Great Kanto Earthquake is founded on the forgetting of the Ise Bay Typhoon.
This paper examined the original text of the Smith-Mundt Act of 1948 to determine principles for United States public diplomacy and explored how the Smith-Mundt programs affected freedom of speech in Okinawa in the 1948-1952 period, critical decision years for the separation of Okinawa from mainland Japan. The Act authorized the Secretary of State, responsible for foreign information programs, and enabled the Secretary to use the national budget flexibly overseas, allowing the transfer of executive roles for international public relations to other federal agencies. Therefore, the Department of Army in charge of postwar Japan at the time was assigned as the executive agency of the Smith-Mundt programs for the Japanese. In Okinawa, the Civil Information and Education Department (CIE), under the Army administration established in 1948, launched information and education programs for the Okinawan people. The components of the CIE programs comprised "ECA information programs" financed by the Foreign Aid Appropriation Acts and coordinated by the Psychological Strategy Board of the Executive Branch. CIE conducted political campaigns for the 1950 Okinawa Gunto Governor election, attempting to acquire the people's support for the U.S. administration of Okinawa. CIE introduced American movies with Japanese subtitles, built five U.S. Information Centers, disseminated press releases, controlled incoming and outgoing news to the Okinawan media, and censored anti-American speech. As a result, the CIE campaigns temporally suppressed "Japanese reversion" speeches but social movements toward the reversion emerged as reactions to the CIE speech control. The Smith-Mundt Acts originally aimed to promote a better understanding of the United States on an international stage at the United Nations, and granted authorization to the Secretary of State responsible for the programs. However, the U.N.-centered ideal gradually changed during the latter half of the Truman administration as the Cold War began. This paper aims to clarify the process based on archival research.