In the treatises of the Sarvāstivāda abhidharma lineage, the explanation of the suffering caused by illness was consistent in the form of an explanation of the illness itself and the reason why illness is suffering in each treatise. This explanation originates in the *Satyavibhaṇgasūtra (分別四諦経). Conversely, we cannot find any explanation for the suffering of illness other than the explanation of suffering in the four noble truths. For the orthodox abhidharma teachers of the Sarvastivāda, illness was not a primary concern, but only supplementary knowledge necessary for understanding the Four Noble Truths. On the other hand, *Catursatyavyākhyā (CSV: 四諦論), which belonged to the Sautrāntika, a heretical sect of the Sarvāstivāda, explained the speci fics of the disease based on pathological theory. In doing so, he added Buddhist modifications to the descriptions in the Carakasaṃhitā, a traditional Indian medical text. This new theory of CSV had a strong influence on later sources. This study also reveals a close relationship between the CSV and *Arthaviniścayaṭīkā. Further examination of these two sources may help to elucidate the Sautrāntika school of thought.

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This study examines Dharmakīrti’s views on the relationship between humors (doṣa, dhātu) and the arising of desire, particularly in Chapter 2 of his Pramāṇavārttika (PV). In PV 2.75-78, Dharmakīrti argues that mental events such as desire, memory confusion, and fainting do not arise directly from the body or the equilibrium of humors. Instead, he asserts that the mind itself causes these mental events, with the cognition of pleasure specifically leading to the generation of desire. The balance of humors plays only an indirect role as an object of cognition, not as a direct cause of mental events. Commentators on PV further explain that the equilibrium of humors does not act as a direct auxiliary cause (sahakārihetu) for the arising of desire, but rather assists indirectly (paramparayopakāraka) in mental change. The distinction between direct and indirect assistance is important: direct causes are causally related to the immediate result, while the body does not necessarily influence the mental process. Dharmakīrti’s Hetubindu also discusses auxiliary causes, describing them as factors that collaborate with material causes to produce a single result. The commentators likely describe humors as “indirectly assisting,” because they do not meet the criteria for being direct auxiliary causes of desire.

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In the early Chinese translations of the Larger Sukhāvatīvūha Sutra, such as the Dà āmíuó jīng (大阿彌陀經, T. 12, no. 362) and the Wúliàngqīngjìng Píngděngjué jīng (無量淸淨平等覺經, T. 12, no. 361), the final section contains a narrative element wherein Amida Buddha and his world manifest in the Sahā World—a phenomenon traditionally referred to as Ryōzen Gendo 靈山現土. In this narrative sequence, it is stated that the light of the Buddha heals the physical and mental afflictions of sentient beings. However, in later recensions of the Larger Sukhāvatīvūha Sutra, while the Ryōzen Gendo scene remains, the aspect of healing by the Buddha’s light is omitted. Regarding this omission, some scholars have suggested that the substitution of healing by light in the Wúliàngshòu jīng (無量壽經, T. 12, no. 360) with the doctrinal framework of embryonic and transformational birth (Taike Tokushitsu 胎化得失), which distinguishes those who have faith from those who lack it, was influenced by miraculous manifestations (神変) found in the Mahāprajñāpāramitā Sutra and the Avataṃsaka Sutra. However, it seems more plausible that the establishment of Taike Tokushitsu in the Wúliàngshòu jīng was primarily driven by This study attempts to clarify the historical and doctrinal context underlying the establishment of Taike Tokushitsu, which appears after Ryōzen Gendo in the Wúliàngshòu jīng, using the healing power of Amida Buddha’s light in the early recensions of Larger Sukhāvatīvūha Sutra as a key point of investigation. The research findings can be summarized as follows:（1）From the early recensions of Larger Sukhāvatīvūha Sutra to the Wúliàngshòu jīng, the Ryōzen Gendo scene consistently carries the ideological significance of dispelling the doubts of sentient beings.（2）The “Birth with Doubt” (Ginen Ōjō 疑念往生) motif seen in the second and third levels of practitioners in the Sanpai Dan (三輩段) of the early recensions of Larger Sukhāvatīvūha Sutra anticipates the later concept of Taike Tokushitsu in the Larger Sukhāvatīvūha Sutra.（3）In the early recensions of Larger Sukhāvatīvūha Sutra, both Ginen Ōjō and Ryōzen Gendo address the issue of faith and doubt. Consequently, as the Larger Sukhāvatīvūha Sutra evolved, these elements were sequentially restructured with the intention of emphasizing faith, leading to the consecutive arrangement of Ryōzen Gendo and Taike Tokushitsu. Based on these findings, it can be concluded that the subsequent positioning of “Taike Tokushitsu” after “Ryōzen Gendo” as a modification arising from the internal development of the Larger Sukhāvatīvūha Sutra, rather than attributing it to external influences such as the Mahāprajñāpāramitā Sutra and the Avataṃsaka Sutra. internal factors within the Larger Sukhāvatīvūha Sutra itself.

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Plenty of findings from various point of views have been presented respecting Rinzai Zen School in Medieval Times by overviewing researches concerning how Japanese Medieval Zen schools addressed illnesses and medical studies. For example, the Song dynasty medicine and treatment methods inherited mainly among Shōichi Sect founded by Enni (円爾, 1202-1280), the facts regarding medical treatment system on Zen school temples by the point of view from TōyakuJisha (湯薬侍者, a monk who managed health condition of chief priest) or Enjudō (延寿堂, hospital facilities set in temples treating ascetic monks), or, the process that the medical knowledge Tōgen Zuisen (桃源瑞仙, 1430-1489)and Gesshū Jukei (月舟寿桂, 1470-1533) deeply studied with academic interest was connected to private doctors through Shōmono lectures (commentaries). On the other hand, it is very rare that how Sōtō Zen School in Medieval Times dealt with illnesses is referred to, thus there are much scope for further researches. By considering the findings claimed above, in this thesis, it is examined that with focusing on Sōtō Zen School in thirteenth to fourteenth century emphasising Dōgen (道元, 1200-1253) who is the founder of Japanese Sōtō Zen School. As a result, the research revealed these findings. 1. Dōgen recognised that it is impossible human beings controls over illnesses. This thought shows that there is no meaning to be fearful of illnesses as no one knows if and when a person actually falls ill. In other words, this leads to the claim of Dōgen that the most important thing is to concentrate on the present and keep on practicing. 2. Dōgen does not perceive illness itself as an impediment over Zen practices. Excuse for loosening practices because of “treating illnesses” is, in fact, the obstacle to Zen practices. This notion shows that the distinct difference between Shōichi Sect, which existed during the same period of time as Dōgen’s sect, considered illnesses itself as the impediment over Zen practices. 3. Dōgen did not study medicine which dramatically advanced during the Song dynasty. Instead, he studied the art of nurturing life from Chinese Tiantai Sect. This fact also shows a contrast that Shōichi Sect actively adopted the cuttingedge Song dynasty medicine. 4. The reason why Dōgen did not value medicine was based on the belief of degrading monks’ honour by offering medical treatments to lay believers. At the same time, medicine was not a part of Buddhist practices. On the other hand, Shōichi Sect offered technical medical treatments for external, such as Kudokuin hospital facilities for people who do not receive adequate medical treatments. Therefore, it can be presumed that Shōichi Sect viewed medicine as a part of Buddhist practices. 5. It is confirmed that Enjudō was provided in Eihei ji Temple, which Dōgen established, though treatments by external doctors were furnished as well if ascetic monks had serious condition. Thus, Dōgen did not perceive medicine negatively. 6. The findings written above regarding Dōgen’s views towards illnesses are considered to have been inherited at least until the period when Keizan Jōkin (瑩山紹瑾, 1264-1325)actively conducted his teachings.

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This paper examines devotion to the guru and its connection to illness in Tibetan Buddhism. The Buddha is often depicted in early Buddhist scriptures as the foremost being or physician, guiding disciples to remove their illness. In the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra, it is taught that a disciple should follow the religious mentor (kalyāṇamitra) possessing ten distinct qualities. Moreover, in Buddhist Tantric scriptures, the idea that a disciple should recognize their master (ācārya) as a Buddha and serve him accordingly is especially prominent. In Tibetan Buddhism, devotion to the guru (bla ma) is closely associated with the practice of guruyoga. In the oral instruction Be’u bum sngon po by the bKa’ gdams pa scholar Po to ba (1031-1105), it is stated that a disciple should regard the guru as a Buddha and offer devotion to the guru in the same manner as to a Buddha. Additionally, the dGe lugs pa scholar Tsong kha pa (1357-1419) discusses how to devote to the guru in his Lam rim chen mo, where he asserts that a disciple must regard the guru as a physician and himself as a patient. Furthermore, a disciple must recognize the guru as the Buddha, offering his entire wealth and even his life while diligently practicing according to the guru’s teachings. However, if the guru issues an improper command, the disciple is entitled to raise objections and is not required to follow blindly. Tsong kha pa emphasizes the importance of a disciple’s adherence to the guru’s teachings while simultaneously maintaining a critical perspective. Nevertheless, according to Po to ba and Tsong kha pa, a disciple’s failure to correctly follow the practice of devotion to the guru may result in significant consequences, such as severe illnesses or even death.

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This study examines the cyclical practices of Krishna (Kṛṣṇācārya), a fulfillment of Saṃvara’s teachings, who is thought to have been active from the middle to the end of the 10th century. This study addresses two key issues: First, a reconsideration of the original texts of the *Olacatuṣṭaya to clarify the specifics of this practice; second, an examination of the relationship between this practice and other related traditions, as evidenced in the surrounding materials, including Tibetan texts. The practice, referred to as “72 transmigrations (kun spyod bdun cu rtsa gñis)” by subsequent commentators, is a form of contemplation based on pilgrimages to sacred locations that were prevalent during that period. It is believed to be a metaphorical and rhetorical description of the process of attaining “bliss” in each body part through the circulation of Heruka projected into “bodhicitta,” which is understood to be an essence in the body that may be equated with “brain secretions” or “semen.” This reinterpretation of this practice not only contributes to our understanding of Buddhism, but is also highly suggestive in terms of the medical science of the time and has academic value that has not been demonstrated in previous research.

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This paper investigates the interrelation between Buddhist dhāraṇī scriptures and formulaic expressions that articulate the efficacy of spells ─ termed “spell efficacy formulas.” These formulaic verses or prose state ments, often appended to mantras and dhāraṇīs, serve as ritual invocations for apotropaic, therapeutic, and soteriological functions, including protection from epidemics, possession, and various diseases. Drawing upon canonical sources such as the Mahāmāyūrīvidyārājñīsūtra and the Pañcarakṣā cor pus, the author elucidates how ancient Buddhist conceptions of disease at tributed causality to imperceptible, spiritlike entities whose eradication re quired specialised ritual knowledge. The study focuses particularly on the Mahāmantrānusāriṇī ─ one of the five Pañcarakṣā texts ─ and its late 10th to early 11thcentury com mentary, the *Śatasahasraṭīkā by Karmavajra. Through philological and doctrinal analysis, the author demonstrates that these texts exemplify the synthesis of medical terminology, ritual practice, and scriptural exegesis. Moreover, the research argues that commentators such as Karmavajra were not merely interpreters but active agents in the textual formation and transmission of dhāraṇī literature. By tracing the evolution and func tion of spell efficacy formulas, the paper situates them within broader dis courses of Buddhist ritualism, scriptural authority, and the crosscultural history of medicalreligious thought in premodern South and Central Asia.

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Early Esoteric Buddhist healing practices primarily utilized mantra infused objects, such as amulets or medicated mud and oil, to treat illness es. These practices were rooted in ancient Indian traditions, particularly the incantations found in the Atharvaveda. It was also widely believed that epidemics were caused by malevolent spirits, such as yakṣas and rākṣasas, which led to the use of mantras to expel these demonic entities. By the middle period of early Esoteric Buddhism, the practice of homa (fire offer ings)emerged as a significant element in healing rituals. A significant transformation occurred as Hinduderived incantations were reinterpreted within the Esoteric Buddhist framework, aligning them with the compas sionate and altruistic ideals of bodhisattvas. While Vedic scriptures, Buddhist biographies like the Jātaka, and Parittas undoubtedly influenced early Esoteric Buddhist healing practices, their core remained rooted in Hindu incantations. With the integration of Bodhisattva ideals into Esoteric Buddhism, healing rituals were elevated and reconceptualized as compassionate acts of Bodhisattva practice. This tradition of healing has been passed down to modern Japanese Buddhist practices, such as homa rituals, and amulets.

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It has been repeated by scholars that early Buddhist monastics were prohibited from the practice of medicine and that the existence of the Chapter on Medicines in the extant monastic law codes, which apparently contradicts such prohibition, reflects gradual development within the mo nastic system, or at least shows some ambivalence. However, this observa tion requires reconsideration based on distinguishing the context of dis courses (sūtras) from that of law codes (vinayas). This paper focuses on rules concerned with “worldly arts (tiracchānavijjā in Pāli)” in the extant vinayas in order to clarify their attitudes toward medicine and healing magic. Comparisons of the Explanations of Rules (vibhaṇgas) for nuns of various schools reveal that these texts differ significantly in prohibiting, permitting, or not making reference to nuns engaging in such curing arts. Comparisons of the counterparts of these rules on the monks’ side, which appear not in the monks’ vibhaṇga but in the Chapter of Miscellany of each vinaya, confirm the absence of any prohibition of monks’ practicing curing.

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We begin with a summary of conceptions of “illness” by Hōnen, founder of the Jōdo sect of Buddhism, as follows: 1) Whereas illness is a result of karma and thus unavoidable, the power of the Buddha, channeled by habitually chanting the name of the Buddha, can sometimes lessen the expected severity of the illness; 2) Though the mind may be disturbed in the hour of death, this should not hinder rebirth in the Pure Land if chanting the Buddha’s name has been a regular part of daily life; 3) If prolongation of life in this world is the sole purpose of treating illness, the effect is adherence to this life, which will hinder rebirth in the Pure Land. However, treatment of illness to enable chanting of the Buddha’s name should be undertaken, as this will aid rebirth. Alternatively, while inheriting Hōnen’s teachings, many Jōdo sect masters since Hōnen have also adopted one of two schools of thought. According to one, rebirth in the Pure Land is possible despite suffering through illness at the end of life, while the other school maintains Pure Land rebirth is not possible in such conditions. In the latter school, though, it has often been taught that while fundamentally impossible, chanting the Buddha’s name at the time of death while enduring suffering can enable rebirth. It is therefore also argued that illness can become a catalyst for rebirth.

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Under the theme of “Buddhism and Illness,” this paper will focus on shinran’s understanding of illness and its relationship with faith. In particu­ lar, I will focus on two letters that shinran is said to have written when he was 83 years old. In these letters, shinran writes that there is a difference between physical illness and mental illness. The letters state that there is a difference between illness of the body and illness of the mind, and that while illness of the body is not a question of whether or not a person will be Birth in the Pure Land, illness of the mind requires careful scrutiny. What exactly does shinran mean by “sickness of the mind”? It is thought that shinran is looking at the problem of “Mara” based on human’s Self­ power mind. Therefore, in this paper, I would like to describe how shinran attempted to face the sickness of the mind, focusing on his understanding of Mara.

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The practical teachings established by Tiantai Zhiyi 天台智顗 (538- 597)include a detailed explanation of how to overcome diseases that arise during practice. This paper examines the method of treating illnesses through breathing, particularly from the Chanmen Koujue 禅門口訣, a com­ pilation of Zhiyi’s teachings. Four key points are discussed as features of this approach. Firstly, In the practice of counting breaths, it is taught to focus on counting the outgoing breath. Secondly, when illness arises due to unregulated breath­ ing, the method of bianxi 遍息, which involves circulating energy (qi 気) within the body, is recommended. Thirdly, one of the six types of qi used in modern qigong is explained. Finaly, the universality of breath­based treatments is discussed. There are two main reasons why Zhiyi advocated for such specific breath­based treatments. Chinese medicine and Taoist practices significant emphasis on the role of breathing. Second, with the spread of seated medi­ tation in China, there was an increase in individuals afflicted by Chan sick­ ness 禅病.

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This paper, presented under the theme of the 93rd Academic Con­ference, “Buddhism and Illness,” examines depictions of illness in the Buddhāvataṃsaka Sūtra (BAS). It highlights examples such as bodhisatt­vas skilled in medicine, the Tathāgata as a “King of Physicians,” and virtu­ous intimates portrayed as “doctors,” reflecting the Buddha’s principle of “prescribing medicine according to the illness.” However, these depictions show limited originality unique to the BAS. Fazang’s commentary on the BAS (Huayanjing tanxuan ji) discusses the healing of physical illnesses through spells (dhāraṇī) and medicine, while his commentary on the Treatise of twelve gates addresses the treat­ment of mental and conceptual illnesses through emptiness meditation. These insights reveal contemporary perspectives on illness and its reme­dies. The Huayanjing zhuan ji, compiled by Fazang, includes miracle tales where monks overcame illnesses through recitation or reading of the text. The later Huayanjing ganying zhuan revised these accounts with added details and updated timelines, transforming them into practical and repro­ducible spiritual guidelines. The compilation of such miracle tales was not merely storytelling but a form of religious practice intended to provide models for future gen­erations. This paper emphasizes their role as meaningful religious acts and outlines directions for further research into their significance.

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This study reexamines the meaning of the “Zen sickness” 禅病 dis­ cussed by Hakuin Ekaku (白隠慧鶴, 1686-1769)and highlights its impor­ tance in understanding Hakuin’s views on practice and enlightenment. While previous research has primarily focused on Zen sickness as a physi­ cal and mental illness for which Hakuin offered remedies, this study reveals that he used the term in both a narrow and a broad sense. Hakuin taught that the cause of Zen sickness in its narrow sense ─ an illness of the mind and body ─ stemmed from Zen sickness in its broad sense, which arises from attachment to erroneous teachings such as buji 無事 (nothing to do) and mokushō 黙照 (silent illumination). Hakuin also criticized stagnation on the Way as a form of Zen sickness in the broad sense, based on his teach­ ing that practice and realization are never­ending, where even after awak­ ening one continues to seek enlightenment above (上求菩提)and liberate all sentient beings below (下化衆生).

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Nichiren held the view that the Latter Day of the Law would mark a period of decay for Buddhism, leading humanity toward destruction, 2,000 years after the passing of Shakyamuni Buddha. In this era, Nichiren be­ lieved that fundamental salvation for both Japan and the entire Jambudvipa would be achieved by relying on the five characters of the title of the Lo­ tus Sutra ­the Mystic Law. His understanding of illness and the best cures was directly connected to his view of salvation in the Latter Day of the Law. Nichiren identified two major afflictions in this age: slander of the Law (which involved criticizing the true teaching and adhering to other sects, such as Nembutsu, Zen, Shingon, and Vinaya) and icchantika (a lack of faith) as grave illnesses afflicting people in the Latter Day of the Law. He encouraged chanting of the title of the Lotus Sutra as a remedy for these afflictions.

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This article introduces the biography of Shū­yo Hōin(宗与法印), the founder of the Taga Hōin school(多賀法印流), extant historical docu­ ments and previous research, and examines the ideas and beliefs in the Taga Hoin school. Shū­yo Hōin and his disciples regarded medical treatment as a testi­ mony of faith in Medicine Buddha, and their ideal was to save people through medical treatment. This ideology was influenced by the ideas of Sun Simiao(孫思邈)in the early Tang Dynasty and Kajiwara Shō­zen (梶原性全)at the end of the Kamakura period. Next, the relationship between Buddhism and medicine in the Taga Hōin school was clarified in terms of its basic philosophy. There are two causes of illness: environmental factors, such as weather conditions, and psychological factors, such as joy, anger, sorrow and pleasure, but only lost sentient beings become ill due to psy­ chological factors. Therefore, the Buddha saves people with medical treat­ ment. Medicine is the property of the Buddha. Therefore, the ingredients of medicines are also referred to by metaphors using Buddhist words. In this school, medicine is made with the five elements, which means using the five ingredients of medicine that represent the five elements. The hu­ man body is also linked to the operation of heaven, earth and nature, whichis also expressed using Buddhist terms. For this reason, The Four Noble Truths of the Lotus Sutra and the Twelve Causes both refer to the num­ ber of human pulses.

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Shakyamuni Buddha classified suffering into four categories and considered the suffering of illness to be one of them. In his “Moho­-chihkuan(摩訶止観), the Chinese Chi­hui(智顗)classified illnesses, organized the symptoms of illnesses, and described the medical treatment for each of them. He then described medical treatments for each of them: medicine and zazen(meditation). Zazen not only stabilizes the mind, but by removing mental suffering, it can even remove the root of physical pain. “Moho­-chihkuan” is a groundbreaking book that organized the treatment of illness in terms of medicine and zazen.

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When we begin to speak about illness through the academic disci­pline of Buddhist Studies, what can we offer in response to the demands of contemporary society? As a premise for considering this question, it is es­sential to first examine how the concept of illness has been expressed in early sutras and the Abhidharma texts. Furthermore, from what perspec­tives have such discussions been conducted? This study seeks to clarify these foundational issues. By doing so, it aims to establish a groundwork for philosophical inquiry into illness through Buddhist Studies, in order to address the pressing concerns of contemporary society. The young Gautama’s decision to renounce the world (new step as a śramaṇa) has been traditionally narrated in terms of his confrontation. with the suffering of old age, sickness, and death. Moreover, the Buddha has been referred to as the “king of physicians,” who confronted such suf­fering. By analyzing selected passages from Buddhist texts, this paper first delineates the contours of Buddhist discourse on illness. It then explores the key considerations that must be kept in mind when engaging in philo­sophical reflection on the suffering associated with illness. Additionally, it examines the inherent crises that inevitably accompany such reflections. Building upon this analysis, the study will further consider the tension be­tween two distinct attitudes: one that seeks to uphold Buddhist doctrine within the site of clinical practice, and another that reconstructs Buddhist thought in response to the challenges that emerge from the site of clinical practice itself.

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