The present circumstance of religion is highly complex and diversified. In this diversified manifestation of religion what shall be the best possible relationship expected between religion and politics in the world today? This article tries to elucidate this normative question by taking up the cases of four theorists: Richard Rorty, John Rawls, José Casanova, and Shigeru Nanbara. In the author's view the four theorists assume four divergent positions vis-à-vis religion, and these divergences can help shed light on the above normative theoretical problem. Rorty takes “strong secularist” position. Rawls does “liberal secularist” one. Casanova assumes the approach of “deprivatization of religion.” Finally, Nanbara perceives “religion as the giver of invigorated life, spirit and ethos to society.” I came to the conclusion that a continual dialogue, translation, and negotiation between religious discourse and public reason is significant and indispensable. This critical and constructive rapport should be made in terms of the normative values and ethos which religion can provide to politics for enhancing human rights, democracy, and peace in the midst of each and every concrete situation.
This article examines Jose Casanova's theory of public religion which first appears on his Public Religion in the Modern World, and the reorganization of liberal secularism that Charles Taylor discussed in his Secularism and the Freedom of Conscience. In Casanova's theory, public religion was expected to complement politics of liberal democracy. This theory affects many political thinkers including Charles Taylor. Then, Taylor set forth the ‘liberal and pluralistic’ secularism which assigns important political roles on (public) religion. But Casanova himself now criticizes his theory of public religion and ‘liberal’ secularism. This article would articulate why and how he criticizes his original position and liberal projects of reorganizing secularism. In conclusion, I specify some limits of liberal and pluralistic kinds of secularism. They cannot flee from their inherent tendency to ‘violence’ and treat secular (or Christian) arguments and non-Western religious arguments, e.g. Islam, equally.
In recent work, Jürgen Habermas develops the idea of “postsecular society” to respond to the fact that religion continues to be influential, far from withering away. In order to reflect religious voices in public sphere while maintaining the principle of political secularism, he argues for the idea of “cooperative translation,” according to which religious and secular citizens work together on translating religious claims into secular ones. Critically examining Habermas's idea of “cooperative translation,” this article attempts to point out two problematic issues involved in this idea. First, by focusing on different requirements that the idea of “cooperative translation” imposes on religious and secular citizens respectively, it claims that those requirements are potentially detrimental to the polyphonic nature of public sphere. Second, it critically considers what Habermas means by “translation,” thereby showing that the idea of “cooperative translation” is based on the logic of convergence, but not on that of consensus, hence being in tension with the discourse-theoretic foundation of political legitimacy.
In Moral Man and Immoral Society, Reinhold Niebuhr dismissed John Dewey as a naïve moralist who, not seeing the irrational character of the behavior of all human collectives, overestimated rational experimentation, and identified God and the world, the ideal and the real. Niebuhr asserted that the responsible Christian had to accept the use of force. However, he refused to regard politics only as a struggle for power. He tried to find a way out of the “endless cycle of social conflict.” Niebuhr stressed that the experience of grace would “create the attitudes which transcend social conflict and mitigate its cruelties.” In Common Faith, Dewey defined the religious as the unification of the self and of the self and the universe. For Dewey, democracy embodies the religious. It is religious because it bases on faith in the ability of human nature to achieve freedom for individuals accompanied with social stability built on cohesion instead of coercion. Despite their differences in political orientation, Dewey and Niebuhr relied on the nature and destiny of man who could create their own world.
Modern secularization has not always reduced the power of religious discourse in the public sphere. In post-revolutionary France, for example, Catholicism was unquestionably in decline, but the French were disposed to seek a new religion to replace it. Socialism thus first emerged in France as a “social religion” meant to provide a religious basis for a new society. However, early socialist thinkers faced “Rousseau's Problem” regarding the tolerance of private religions by a social or civil religion. Among these thinkers, Pierre Leroux (1797-1871) dealt most explicitly with the problem of civil religion. Refuting the collectivist religion of Saint-Simonism that formed the core of French socialism, Leroux proposed a national religion guaranteeing individual liberties. In this paper, through an analysis of Leroux's articles and such books as Humanity (1840) and National Religion or Cult (1846), I examine the extent to which a social or civil religion can be considered compatible with individual liberties. My view is that most previous studies have taken insufficient notice of his conception of national religion. The paper concludes by arguing that Leroux's national religion was a form of civil religion that strove continuously to achieve a standard of universality or humanity.
The central figure of the Action Frarnçaise, Charles Maurras presented his “religious nationalism” amidst a tense conflict between republicans and Catholics, which culminated with the separation of the Churches and the State in 1905. The Catholic blocs supported him, because he reclaimed the Catholic monarchy from the French Republic by criticizing individualism and representative democracy. This article tries to contextualize his political thought at the dawn of the twentieth century and to analyze it from the viewpoint of political theology. It primarily focuses on Maurras' so-called “Catholic positivism” which was largely influenced by Auguste Comte. However, Maurras deviates from the founder positivist in that he emphasizes the French “nation” instead of the “humanity”; he didn't acknowledge the idea of separation between temporal and spiritual powers. His monarchical nationalism stands on the positivistic horizon, and the autonomous nation rendered absolute doesn't require a heteronomous religious justification. This scheme of political theology, which appeared through his polemic with Marc Sangnier, bore some resemblance to neo-Thomism, despite its pagan character.
The characteristic tendencies of religious administration by modern Japanese government were to use useful religion and to exclude dangerous one. These tendencies were typically appeared in the process of offering corporate body for religious groups by legislation. First bill of it was presented for imperial assembly in 1899, 2nd one was presented in 1927, 3rd one was presented in 1929, and last one was presented in 1939. First, 2nd, and 3rd bills were rejected, but last one was approved. Minister of Education who had jurisdiction over religion said in 1939, to supervise religious groups is important issue for guidance and enlightenment of people. I would like to clarify the actual conditions and background of these tendencies of religious administration paying attention to the relationship between the bills and freedom of religious faith clause of Meiji Constitution. As a conclusion, I clarified the actual conditions and background of these tendencies of religious administration and Japanese movement have watched new religions like socialism and mobilized traditional religions for war.
Recently multiculturalism has come under heavy attack. One of the backgrounds is the problem of integration of Muslim population in Western countries. Multiculturalism is blamed for having encouraged separatism and caused ghettoisation. This distorted picture of multiculturalism and the misplaced accusation would hinder accurate observation of the current problems and search for realistic means to deal with them. Through the survey of academic literature, I will first sketch the picture of a defendable vision of multiculturalism. I will depict it as a combination of 3 approaches, each of which addresses particular needs of minorities. Secondly, I will examine the vision and policies that multiculturalism offers for the integration of Muslim minorities. Thirdly, I will look at the difficulties and dilemmas that multiculturalism faces in dealing with Muslim minorities. By so doing, I will argue that multiculturalism provides a most promising vision of integration of Muslims, although we have to deal with some serious difficulties and dilemmas with prudence and patience.
Ummah, religio-political community, has been imagined and reimagined throughout Islamic history. In this paper, recent development of the notion of Ummah in the Arab-Islamic political thought is analyzed. A voluminous work Call for the Global Islamic Resistance written by Abu Mus‘ab al-Suri, a theorist in the Jihadist circle, is cosidered as an important endeavor to reconstitute Ummah as a self-organizing entity. Al-Suri’s organizational theory conceptualizes de-centralized reconstruction of Global Jihad movement. In his view, Global Jihad is composed of voluntary and autonomous activities of small “Individual Jihad.” In dispersing Global Jihad into every corner of society, al-Suri’s theory envisions a worldwide Ummah incessantly constituted as the result of every Muslim's local act of each and individual resistance. Al-Suri’s optimistic view of the present state of Ummah, and particularly of its youths, as spontaneously rising to the call of Global Jihad poses a fundamental turn in the context of Jihadists’ trail of rejection of “Jahiliyya” and alienation from wider Muslim public.
This paper provides a long overdue update on changes in the ways major news organizations conduct and report on public opinion polls. Scholars argue that cabinet approval ratings are far more politically significant than in the past as a consequence of the electoral and administrative reforms in the 1990s. It is now a widely shared premise that public opinion polling results exercise a large influence on the behavior of public officials and legislators. However, while many pollsters and academics debate the role of public opinion polling in public affairs, very few substantiate their claims with basic facts such as the number of opinion polls conducted by major news agencies and how reporting on polls has changed over time. Compiling data from news stories on polling from Asahi Shimbun and Yomiuri Shimbun, I argue that changes in polling practices and reporting are partly responsible for the increasing influence of public opinion polling on government.
In the late 1980s, Ikuo Kabashima empirically showed that uneducated voters in rural areas were more likely to participate in elections in postwar Japan unlike other developed democracies. He argued that this participation structure was the key to Japan's postwar super-stable party system and rapid economic growth with equality. This paper reexamines this well-known “political equality” thesis. The analysis of survey data covering the period from 1958 to 2009 shows that the participation structure shown by Kabashima existed only in the 1970s-80s or the golden age of the 1955 system. The study then explores why the structure changed in the 1990s comparing data from the 1980s and 2000s. The analysis suggests that rural political networks became weaker and the political efficacy of urban educated voters increased over the past 20 years, which resulted in rural voters' lower turnout and educated voters' higher turnout in recent elections.
This study examines the political impact of Municipal merger of the Heisei era through exploring the causes of incumbent mayor loss in merged cities. Former studies examining this issue have focused mainly on the financial impact of the merger and have not fully investigated its impact on local politics. Thus, this article explores increases of incumbent mayors' losses in newly merged cities, arguing thatmost incumbent mayors are challenged by strong elected officials such as former heads of local governments or members of prefectural assemblies. The results obtained by regressing incumbent mayors' election results on the pace of budget cuts and type of merger show that mayors who succeeded in reducing budgets were reelected, and the mayors of merged cities (consisting of towns and villages) were not able to leverage budget cuts to get reelected.
This paper explores the relationship between democracy and bureaucracy in Bentham's Constitutional Code by focusing on his concept of ‘responsibility’. Most studies on Bentham have emphasised his optimism about the validity of public opinion. It is true that Bentham trusted in public opinion that was formed through discussion among the people. He called ‘the responsibility of the governors’, which answers to the dictates of public opinion, ‘moral aptitude’. This concept was formed through criticising Burke's concept of ‘virtue’. Bentham also recognized, however, that deviations exist between the dictates of public opinion and the principle of utility. Therefore, he expected able governors not only to follow public opinion but also to lead it. In leading public opinion, governors, especially ministers or functionaries, were required to have mastered a kind of scientific and useful knowledge, which Bentham termed ‘intellectual aptitude’. His educational writing, Chrestomathia, was intended to train these able governors rather than average citizen. What Bentham attempted in his Constitutional Code was to reconcile democratic values such as political participation with bureaucratic expertise.
By analyzing the ambiguity of Connolly's theory of territoriality which contains the subject and sovereignty, this article aims to review their theoretical consistency. This article first locates the pathology of contemporary politics, which leads us to problematize territoriality in, as Connolly calls, the late modernity. At the same time, I would like to shed light on his alternatives to the current sovereign problematique. Then, this article composes a critical view on the new theory of sovereignty in agonistic democracy. In my view, Connolly's distinction between the dimension of expression and that of decision in the concept of sovereignty is, while it is useful in extracting the pluralistic character of sovereignty, repeating the similar failure in hiding the paradox of sovereignty by maintaining the idea of a unified sovereign territoriality. Agonistic democracy which is based on plural cognitions of territoriality causes only the change of the territorial range of sovereign state which is a unit of subjectification. The gap between the subject and sovereign power has not been filled up. However, his democratic theory may require accommodating territorial pluralism to multi-dimensional democratic accountability.
This article investigates the reform of Japanese Police System during 1945-55. Most of the existing studies of Japanese Police System under the Allied Occupation rarely discuss local Police System. Our main focus in this article is the Osaka Metropolitan Police Department (OMPD) during 1949-1954. In 1948, GHQ ordered the Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department (TMPD) to adopt a patrol system on the model of the American system. TMPD refused the directive. Next, GHQ carried out the same directive to Eiji Suzuki, the chief of the Osaka City Municipal Police. Suzuki founded OMPD which had an American type of the patrol system. After the Allied Occupation, OMPD was abolished because it was faithful to GHQ directives. Thus, OMPD was reorganized to the Osaka Prefectural Police Department. Japanese Police System returned to a highly centralized system as a result that most of the Police System reform under the Allied Occupation were denied.
This paper examines how Postwar Japan chose a reconciliation partner, by focusing on cognitive psychological dynamics in multilateral diplomacy and domestic politics. The goal of this research is to re-examine the basic framework of Postwar Japan's reconciliation diplomacy systematically. Despite the accumulation of previous studies, we do not understand much about the systematic patterns of choosing a reconciliation partner. This question is complicated since the patterns derive from the decision makers' synchronic perception of multilateral relationships among states and domestic politics. To explain how Postwar Japan chose a reconciliation partner, this paper provides a reconciliation model, which is based on decision makers' cognitive psychology. Applying general principles of cognitive psychology to their perception and decision, I reorganize the history of Postwar Japan's reconciliation diplomacy from a theoretical standpoint. The model shows the conditions of reconciliation at the international system level, and at the domestic political level. As preliminary case studies, this paper compares the Yoshida administration's attempts to reconcile with Taiwan and China, with the Hatoyama administration's attempts to reconcile with South Korea and the Soviet Union in 1950s.
The Imperial Japanese Government before WWII maintained its deliberate indifference to the claim repeated by Lieutenant Nobu Shirase for Japanese territorial right over Antarctica. Finding this inhabitable terrainno economic value at least for the short term, the prewar Japanese government focused on preventing other countries' exclusive dominion and retaining the nation's access to the future use of the continent. Such prewar political tradition was inherited by the postwar Japanese government under the new framework of San Francisco Peace Treaty. As the potential values of Antarctica grew along with the technological advancement of equipment and increasing possibility of the use of nuclear energy, it became more rational for Japan to secure the “open door” policy in which any country would not be excluded from Antarctica. Japan's policy towards the South Pole in this period implicitly contained a political realism as opposed to its expressed idealism and reflected the added influence of scientific and technological development, symbolized by nuclear energy, in the international dynamism.
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