Various attitudinal factors are considered as media connecting demographic factors and socio-economic conditions to voting behavior. However, the structure or interrelatedness among these attitudinal factors themselves have not been sufficiently clarified.
A cluster of attitudes may at times form an hierarchical structure by a frame of reference, or, while in conflict to each other, they somehow preserve a balance and form so diffuse an aggregate that it can not be called an attitude structure in the narrow sense of the term. However some pattern of interrelatedness should be found among these attitudes. Here the term “attitude structure” is used in such a wider sense, and the object of this paper is to suggest an empirical model of such an attitude structure.
The starting point of this study is to establish the kind of attitudinal factors which constitute an attitude structure, and it is best to establish them based on a theoretical hypothesis concerning attitude structure. It is usually said that a certain attitude is composed of an affective component. When a cluster of attitudes constitutes a structure, the affective components and the cognitive components of the various attitudes are mutually correlated, respectively constituting an affective structure and a cognitive structure. An affective structure is further divided into a structure of the direction of affection and a structure of the intensity of affection. These three structures can be classified into some levels, for instance by a criterion whether they are nearer political behavior or nearer social conditions.
Selecting variables which represent each structure and each level in the above mentioned theoretical chart, and after a series of correlation analyses among 2 or 3 such variables, an empirical model of attitude structure has been formed, revising a part of the theoretical chart mentioned above. Further, in order to support this model, multi-variate analysis, in this case, factor analysis was performed. As its consequence, 5 factors were found, indicating upper and lower levels of the affective structure, upper and lower levels of the cognitive structure and a structure of the intensity of affection.
Lastly, sub-models were examined. As the political culture of Japan is pluralistic, this model may be considered as an aggregate of several sub-models different in character. Therefore, by dividing the samples into two groups according to principal attitudinal factors, we examined how the types of the factors which were just discovered would change, and no great difference has been found among the sub-groups.

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Various attitudinal factors are considered as media connecting demographic factors and socio-economic conditions to voting behavior. However, the structure or interrelatedness among these attitudinal factors themselves have not been sufficiently clarified.
A cluster of attitudes may at times form an hierarchical structure by a frame of reference, or, while in conflict to each other, they somehow preserve a balance and form so diffuse an aggregate that it can not be called an attitude structure in the narrow sense of the term. However some pattern of interrelatedness should be found among these attitudes. Here the term “attitude structure” is used in such a wider sense, and the object of this paper is to suggest an empirical model of such an attitude structure.
The starting point of this study is to establish the kind of attitudinal factors which constitute an attitude structure, and it is best to establish them based on a theoretical hypothesis concerning attitude structure. It is usually said that a certain attitude is composed of an affective component. When a cluster of attitudes constitutes a structure, the affective components and the cognitive components of the various attitudes are mutually correlated, respectively constituting an affective structure and a cognitive structure. An affective structure is further divided into a structure of the direction of affection and a structure of the intensity of affection. These three structures can be classified into some levels, for instance by a criterion whether they are nearer political behavior or nearer social conditions.
Selecting variables which represent each structure and each level in the above mentioned theoretical chart, and after a series of correlation analyses among 2 or 3 such variables, an empirical model of attitude structure has been formed, revising a part of the theoretical chart mentioned above. Further, in order to support this model, multi-variate analysis, in this case, factor analysis was performed. As its consequence, 5 factors were found, indicating upper and lower levels of the affective structure, upper and lower levels of the cognitive structure and a structure of the intensity of affection.
Lastly, sub-models were examined. As the political culture of Japan is pluralistic, this model may be considered as an aggregate of several sub-models different in character. Therefore, by dividing the samples into two groups according to principal attitudinal factors, we examined how the types of the factors which were just discovered would change, and no great difference has been found among the sub-groups.

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This paper is a report on the field-survey of the voting behaviour and the political consciousness of the citizens of Kyoto, the First Constituency of Kyoto Prefecture, expressed in the 30th General Election of the members of the House of Representatives which took place on 21st November, 1963.
As is well-known, compared with the previous Election which was fought with the U. S. -Japanese Security Treaty as the centre of political issues, the points at issue were not clear in the last, 30th Election, and the reason for the Election not being sufficiently understood among the nation, the campaign remained on a low key from the beginning to the end. Correspondingly, the voting ratio in the whole country was 71.1%, which was the second lowest since the end of the Second World War, the first being 67.9% in 1947.
In the city of Kyoto, which forms the First Constituency of Kyoto Prefecture, 58.2% was recorded, which is lower than the average of the whole country by 12.9% and is within the lowest-voting group in the country.
The result was the elections of two Liberal-Democrats (Ministerial Conservatives), one Communist, one Socialist and one Democratic-Socialist. Therefore in the new political map of Kyoto, there are two Conservatives against three “Reformists, ” the Conservatives having obtained 42% of the votes cast and the Reformist parties 58%. The Communist candidate came out at the top of the members elected. Thus, the Reformist forces are strong in this constituency. The reformist tendency in the political climate of Kyoto has long been pointed out, together with the emphasis of the classical character of this city, especially in connection with its cultural characteristics.
Are we to regard this Reformist tendency of Kyoto as being the same as the tenacious strength of the Reformists in large cities, such as Tokyo and Osaka, where the organized forces, with workmen in large and small factories and white-collars as the centre, constitute their support? Or, is there any particular phenomenon in the case of Kyoto, peculiar to it and different from other regions?
Further, how far are the citizens of Kyoto conscious of objective recognition of circumstances and subjective selection of value which form the two criteria of political consideration imposed upon the modern “citizens”? Upon these premises and bearing these problems in view, the writers have arranged into order the relation between voting behaviour and political consciousness based on various materials. These materials specifically include those of voting precentage and abstention, choice ox candidates —its reason and motives— points at issue, and so on. The paper lays stress on the description of the actual reality of Kyoto, and does not adopt the method of abstracting a general proposition out of the pattern in this case.

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(1) Shimane Prefecture is an agricultural area in which the inhabitants engage, for the most part, in the primary industry. According to the post-war elections of Members of the House of Representatives in this agricultural electoral district, the voting rate is high and the votes go largely to the conservative camp in comparison with the reformist group. Moreover this polling pattern in the nine post-war elections has not undergone as large a change as in metropolitan districts, but the reformist votes have been increasing gradually and this tendency became clear especially after the organization of the Ikeda Cabinet. This paper proposes to make these objective facts clear, based on the materials obtained in the five inquiries for the last five years.
(2) When we classify the degrees of voters' interest in political affairs into three categories of ‘positive interest’, ‘passive interest’ and ‘indifference’, the possessors of positive interest constitute the 50-60 per cent of voters in any place, and those of passive interest and those who are politically indifferent forming the rest. Those latter are also mobilized to the polls, and thus the high voting rate of almost 85 per cent is usual in the Elections of Members of the House of Representatives.
(3) In rural districts where the sense of communal life is still strong, those who belong to the latter categories are compelled to conform with the political opinions and behaviors of the leading persons (‘bosses’) and, when the so-called cross-pressures are extended, are inclined to yield to these pressures even by deliberately dividing the family votes. The bosses are those who dominate local government and economy, and the order of a local self-governing body which is organized by them tends to control political awareness and behavior of those who belong to the two categories of passive interest and indifference. This very fact stimulates politically indifferent people to vote for specific candidates (generally conservatives) whom the bosses support. And it can be said that this voting behavior of these electorates helps to bring about the high voting rate and the high polling score of the conservative party. At the same time the campaign conducted by the Election Administration Committee for the prevention of abstention from voting is operating to raise the voting rate side by side with the psychological pressures from bosses on these electorates.
(4) Nearly half of those who take a positive interest in politics cast their votes for the reformist group even in Shimane Prefecture, and the votes of those who have belonged to the categories of passive interest and indifference go mostly to the conservative camp. But, the growing poverty of farming families accompanied by the recent high rate of growth of Japan's national economy and the following out of the rural population from Shimane Prefecture into other industrial districts, are now bringing about the disturbance of the traditional order in rural districts and the decrease of the authority of the bosses. Then those who have belonged to the classes of passive interest and indifference are now being freed from the solid conservative supremacy through the influence of mass media (television, in particular) and of the activities of some labour union members. Thus their votes are becoming more and more floating votes, and it is a serious problem for every Japanese political party whether these votes will eventually become fixed as votes for the conservative party or for the reformist group.

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Anyone who takes a glance over the whole history of Burke studies from his death up to the present should certainly be struck at various and sometimes mutually inconsistent interpretations. We now have many Burkes, such as great statesman Burke, romantist Burke, utilitarian Burke, democrat Burke, Burke the prophet of Conservatism, Burke the natural law theorist in Thomistic tradition and so forth.
The writer thinks, however, all such Burkes come from quite the same premise; the premise that we can have a political philosopher Burke free from theoretical contradictions. This article argues that it is necessary to change such a premise.
The writer does not wish to describe what political philosophy Burke advocates. All that the article wishes to make clear is how he recognized the nature of the world of politics, through the inspection of his whole treatises and letters before and after 1765. At the same time, since Burke is not only an ordinary politician but also a literary man fond of talking about history and literary criticism (especially before his entrance into Parliament in 1765), the writer also tries to draw some parallelism among his ideas of political, aesthetic and historical knowledges.
First. Burke's basic view on historical and aesthetic world is very near to that of his contemporary Hume. He is agnostic of the essential existence. He tries to secure the certainty of his knowledges through reducing every sensible object to the utmost of its simplicity. But, notwithstanding that method, he always has a desire, consciously or unconsciously, to know the world in the wholeness. Hence method and desire contradict each other. The result is that, for instance, his idea of the “necessity” of historical world is divided into two in its meaning; one, the necessity of mechanism composed of cognitive elements, and the other, that of transcendental will of the doers.
Second. Of politics; The letters in his earlier life in Parliament show that he strongly feels that the room for choice in politics is very small to him. Very important to the writer is the fact that he extends the conclusion derived from this personal experience to the idea of the world of politics in general and says that the nature of politics is also a mechanistic necessity. Since, for instance, he sees the theory of Lockian social contract not from the side of free choice of régime by its members, but from the side of irreversibility of the state of nature, or inconveniences of the dissolution of governments.
But, if it be true that the method of analysation into the ultimate elements is the only systematic way to know the nature of political world, is it also true that this nature is necessarily a mechanistic necessity? Firstly, the element of the “spirit (or temper) of people” which he often mentions always lacks concreteness in its contents. Secondly, the element of “Burke himself” is also uncertain, because, according to him, the knowledge of himself is always post facto. Thus, it is no wonder that he was “never forward in his speculation” in practical affairs.
However, Burke is a flexible thinker. Through the difficulties of his party and himself at the time of the American Revolution, he gradually modifies his earlier ideas on the nature of politics, and the result appears before 1782 in the following ways. Firstly, his letters in 1778 addressed to his intimate friends emphasize the importance of the unity of his party members and the consistency of the principle. The aim is to secure the firmness of leadership in politics. This firmness will produce the cognitive element. Secondly, the same letters insist upon the necessity of “identifying with” and “inclining towards” the spirit of people as such. This assertion means that we ought to know the indefinite “elements” in politics as indefinite.

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In diesem Artikel liegt eine Betrachtung über die Diskussion von William L. Shirers “The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich” (New York, 1960) und von Fritz Fischers “Griff nach der Weltmacht” (Düsseldorf, 1961) vor. In der Bundesrepublik Deutschland kritisiert man häufig Shirers Buch, und unterstützt z. B. Klaus Epsteins Polemik (in: The Review of Politics, Vol. 23, No. 2). Epsteins Polemik ist in ihrer Einzelheiten richtig, aber Shirers Behauptung, dass deutsche Grossindustrie, Militär und Konservative Kreise auch für den Zusammenbruch Deutschlands in 1945 schuldig seien, ist ihrem Wesen lehrreich.
Fischers Buch ist sehr interessant, und in Hinsicht auf die Beobachtung der Triebkräfte und Kontinuität des deutschen Imperialismus ganz richtig. Die Polemiken gegen Fischers Buch (z. B. Zechlin, Ritter, Herzfeld und Steglich) haben Fischers Fehler und Mängel hervorgehoben und in der Prozessen der Diskussionen zahlreiche neue historische Tatsachen festgestellt Aber sie Bind apologetisch für den deutschen Imperialismus im ersten Weltkrieg. Anderseits, Ostdeutsche Historikern verteidigen Shirers und Fischers Buch. Sie sind in einigen Punkten lehrreich, aber einseitig und partelisch.
Ferner, der Verfasser kritisiert A. J. P. Taylors “The Origins of the Second World War” (London, 1961) und unterstützt Trevor-Ropers Behauptung (Hitlers Kriegsziele, in Vjh. Zeitgesch. X-2).
Ueber die Ursachen des Zusammenbruchs im Jahre 1933, die Hauptursache liegt in den Strukturfehlern der Republik und im Versagen der demokratischen Parteien, nicht in Versailles Vertrag und der Wirtschaftskrise (Vgl. Der Weg in die Diktatur 1918-1933, Miünchen, 1962, S. 45, 75).

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