The Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association
Online ISSN : 1884-3921
Print ISSN : 0549-4192
ISSN-L : 0549-4192
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Volume 62, Issue 1
Displaying 1-14 of 14 articles from this issue
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  • Do not Use “Kokumin” (国民 or nation) without Reasonable Doubt.
    Masahiro OKAMOTO
    2011 Volume 62 Issue 1 Pages 1_11-1_48
    Published: 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.62.1_11
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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      The word “国民”, ‘kokumin’, is used too much without a close examination and this word should be abandoned in many contexts, even not all.
      The use of “国民” is almost pervasive in Japanese political and legal discourses. “国” means the state or the country, and “民” means the people. Usually “国民” can be translated to “the people” or “the nation”.
      Historically “国民主権”, national sovereignty, was used for substitute of the popular sovereignty to make obscure which has sovereign, the Emperor or the people. In the Constitution of Japan, “We, the Japanese people,” is translated to “日本国民”, which can mean Japanese nationals or Japanese nation. It is not easy to change the constitution, however, the ambiguous “国民” should not be used as much as possible or at least should be interpreted as the people “人民” and as including all the people who live long enough under Japanese sovereignty.
      As EU conceptualized EU citizenship, many countries have been forced to redefine each concept of nationality and citizenship. Japan has a large number of non-citizens residents, which include Koreans who lost Japanese nationality in 1952. Recently voting rights of those people in local elections has become one of the big political issues. We argue that separation of citizenship and nationality is necessary for not only living with those people but also constructing multi-layer political units with each level of citizenship. “国民”, the national people, as the subject of the sovereign should be transformed to “人民”, the people, constituted with “市民”, citizens, of course, who do not mean exclusively the national citizens.
      国民, and maybe “nation” also, is the concept of the modern, the historical stage dominated by sovereign nation-states. We should scrutinize necessity of these words carefully for the emerging next stage.
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  • Can Transnational Democracy Be Effectively Democratic ?
    Changing Civic Loyalties in a Deterritorialized Politics
    Takashi OSHIMURA
    2011 Volume 62 Issue 1 Pages 1_49-1_68
    Published: 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.62.1_49
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      Nation-states are suffering the loss of autonomy: market-driven globalization dictates the government a neo-liberal policy and global capital narrows the capacity to respond to democratic demands. In facing these difficulties, some democrats consider transnational democracy (TD) to be a possible alternative to conventional territory-based democracy. TD opens, as its proponents argue, new democratic space and calls for democratic deliberation and participation beyond the state.
      The paper explores the ideals and institutional designs of TD, and takes a critical look at their goals of democratizing international and regional organizations like the UN and EU, building a global civil society as a network of social forces, and establishing democratic control over global governance. The paper also suggests that the goals of TD may at times come into conflict with one another, and global civil society, despite its claim to be ‘inclusive’, is not logically democratic but may serve as an instrument for the exclusion of certain people like non-active citizens in developing countries, who little know the rule of bottom-up game.
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  • Awaking from the Liberal Dream: Feminist Politics and its Passion
    Yayo OKANO
    2011 Volume 62 Issue 1 Pages 1_69-1_92
    Published: 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.62.1_69
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      According to Michael Walzer, “[i]nvoluntary associations is a permanent feature of social existence” and we cannot envision the more equal society without taking this social reality seriously. The paper starts with analyzing Walzer's claim that the gender hierarchy is the most ancient, enduring and “hardest” constrains of any other categorical inequalities and concludes with the suggestion of “social” possibility for the ethics of care to go beyond the current political boundaries.
      Firstly, I examine why feminist politics and theory seem to be unlocked within women's world and therefore they are often criticized by its emotional, sometimes intensively passionate way of arguments. However, as Walzer pointed out, involuntary lives such as female beings offer also the space of opposition and resistance. Then, I try to argue that the ethics of care, which mainly focus on how our society should maintain the relation of care without dominance and violence, provides the collective empowerment model for feminist politics, instead of the emancipation model.
      In the third section, I examine Eva Kittay's argument, which criticizes radically Rawlsian idea of liberal society constituting of autonomous, free, and equal citizens. Here, I distinguish the ethics of care from altruism, self-sacrifice, even so-called maternal love. The ethics of care prohibits anyone from being enforced on care responsibilities to needy dependents as well as deteriorating the relation of care into dominant relationship. In other words, the ethics of care tries to show us how we should begin to create our connectedness, which right-based ethics, such as ethics of justice takes for granted.
      I conclude the paper with remarking that the ethics of care is a certain kind of revolutionary program of feminist politics because it is committed to overthrow the most entrenched hierarchy, that is, the hierarchy of gender by empowering activities and relationship which are used to suppose that they belong to the women's world.
      The relation of care can provide us another kind of dream of creating a new kind of human relationship beyond the current political borders in global society.
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  • Compulsory Loyalty: Philanthropy and Liberal Nationalism
    Toshio OCHI
    2011 Volume 62 Issue 1 Pages 1_93-1_112
    Published: 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.62.1_93
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      How and why do nation-states require loyalty from its people? In the discourse of “liberal nationalism”, nation building is considered a necessary condition for the construction of liberal democracies. While it is widely believed that the nation-state as a political unit is an important framework underpinning political stability, throughout history one can find many examples of nationalism that has deconstructed democracy. It is for this reason that the actual relationship between nationalism and democracy should be examined. To consider this relationship, in this paper, we will first discuss the moment when loyalty is required of the people, especially the political dynamism surrounding the notion of philanthropy in the United States. Within the concept of philanthropy, the rich and successful seek to support the next generation and new immigrants. However these social ethics are located within efforts of the elite to reduce the national budget dedicated to social welfare. It is here that the state uses the citizen's loyalty for its own benefit. Secondly, we will demystify the discourse of the leftwing nationalists in the US, especially that of Richard Rorty, who emphasizes aspects of the democratic function of American nationalism, but whose theories also rely upon a complicated and subtle form of ethnocentrism. His arguments are seen as problematic when used to support democratic theories, because the people demonstrate loyalty to the state via ethnocentrism.
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  • Protection of the Weak and Prosecution of the Strong:
    The Age of Responsibility to Protect and Transitional Justice?
    Atsushi ISHIDA
    2011 Volume 62 Issue 1 Pages 1_113-1_132
    Published: 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.62.1_113
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      The UN General Assembly's “Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples” in 1960 rejected the imposed international standard of domestic governance. But the recent wave of responsibility to protect and transitional justice (including the establishment of International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, and International Criminal Court) resurrected the practice which the international society of sovereign states abandoned half a century ago. A variety of atrocities are now considered to be crimes of international concern so that the state, in which they take place, is held responsible to protect their victims and prosecute their perpetrators while the international society is prepared to intervene if it fails to do so.
      Realists would argue that this combination of protection of the weak and prosecution of the strong deprive the latter of their incentives to make political compromises at the table of international or domestic bargaining, and as a result impede “negotiated settlement” and “negotiated transition.” The primary purpose of this article is to examine and question the validity of this realist claim.
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  • Commitment and Loyalty in Collective Self-Help Social Movements:
    A Proto-Model of “Club-Good Collective Action” and Some Latin American Cases
    Naoya IZUOKA
    2011 Volume 62 Issue 1 Pages 1_133-1_166
    Published: 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.62.1_133
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      We can hypothetically formulate a model to analyze a category of collective action that may be called “collective self-help social movements.” The thesis of “collective action problem” that M. Olson posits for collective actions that produce public goods does not apply to that category of actions, because the goods they produce are “club goods,” which are characterized by excludability (and nonrivalrousness). However, the cost of administrating and managing collective action (that corresponds to “second-order free-rider problem” for collective actions that produce public goods) tends to be remarkably higher than that of “first-order” activities that produce club goods themselves in those collective actions, and it tends to be covered by a limited number of members that form the leadership, who are characterized by “irrational” commitment and loyalty to the causes, ideologies, or goals of the movements they lead, and/or to the groups to which they suppose that they belong to (or, identities). We can hypothesize that that kind of collective actions tend to succeed where two conditions exist: where (1) there are committed or loyal leaders, and (2) the benefit from participating in those actions (the utility of the club goods produced by those actions) is high for a substantial part of the population. It is shown that Hirschman's findings on social movements for grassroots development in Latin America can be re-interpreted by that hypothesis and that the rise and fall of the “barter club” movements in Argentina can be interpreted (if not explained) by the same hypothesis. We might suppose that plausibility of the hypothesis presented in this essay would show that “irrational” elements play a substantial role in politics.
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  • Thought of Kobayashi Hideo about the Japanese War
    Tsutomu TSUZUKI
    2011 Volume 62 Issue 1 Pages 1_167-1_186
    Published: 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.62.1_167
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      Kobayashi Hideo, one of the most excellent founders of criticism in 20th century Japan, has been regarded as a strong supporter of the Japanese war from 1931 to 1945. Because he had been an Anti-Marxist critic since his debut of 1929, many people looked upon him as a right-wing statist or at least a conservative thinker. He was indeed a conservative like as Michael Oakeshott, because he thought the role of politics was very small in human affairs. He did not live in the world of politics or statecraft, but lived in the world of art and literature. When the war between Japan and China began at 1937, he suddenly said he was already to die for the Japanese state as one of the Japanese people. But the Japanese state often disliked his writing about his travel around China during the war. Though he was apt to be silent and indulged in collecting old china after the war between Japan and USA happened, his very rare writing such as “Mujyo to iu Koto” (Nothing to be eternal) of that time (at 1942) would have been his dying message telling us a cultural heritage if he and his state had perished by that war together.
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  • Social Cooperation and the Boundaries of Democracy
    Chikako ENDO
    2011 Volume 62 Issue 1 Pages 1_187-1_207
    Published: 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.62.1_187
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      In much of contemporary political theory, the boundaries of democracy have been assumed to coincide with citizenship within a democratic nation-state. The purpose of this article is to examine critically the normative grounds for democratic rights. If the traditional link between citizenship and democratic rights cannot be taken for granted, what are the normative grounds for granting democratic rights to some and not to others? One influential argument is the ‘all affected principle’, which stipulates that all those who are affected by political policies should be entitled to participate. However, grounding the right to participation on affectedness faces serious challenges, in particular, that of justifying one's democratic control over others. In this article, I consider whether a reciprocal relationship of social cooperation provides a stronger basis for grounding democratic rights than the all affected principle.
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  • A Conceptual Analysis of “the Sovereign”:
    Perspectives and Features of the Contemporary Theory of Sovereignty
    Takefumi UKAI
    2011 Volume 62 Issue 1 Pages 1_208-1_228
    Published: 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.62.1_208
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      This article aims to make clear the reasons of the absence of “the sovereign” in the contemporary theory of sovereignty. This article sheds light on the ontology of the sovereign which has been composed in current political theory such as Negri=Hardt and Laclau in order to reveal conceptual features of the sovereign. This article argues that the concept of the sovereign contains the political instance which provides the concrete meanings of the sovereign and, therefore, is changeable through public processes. Section 1 analyzes some of typical theories of sovereignty and refers to a common feature that the theory of the sovereign is absent. Section 2 confirms that there is a gap between the universal people and the particular nation in terms of the sovereign's existence. Then, Section 3 considers the conceptual relationship between politics and the sovereign. “The sovereign” is not theoretically required because it is provided by real politics.
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  • Realism and Constructivism: A Study in the Disciplinary History of International Relations Theory
    Kuniyuki NISHIMURA
    2011 Volume 62 Issue 1 Pages 1_229-1_246
    Published: 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.62.1_229
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      Having emerged as a criticism of the realist International Relations theory (IR), constructivism has usually been considered to entail certain liberal tendencies. Recent studies, however, not only advocate its potential affinity with realism; they even advance the thesis that realism-and classical realism in particular-is inherently constructivist because of its anti-positivist epistemology. This understanding of the two theories potentially conflicts with the widely-accepted understanding of the disciplinary history of IR, according to which the development of IR is depicted as realism's progress toward a “scientific” theory. Reexamining the relationship between realism and constructivism along with their places in the disciplinary history of IR, it proves that IR has developed not in a linear way; it has rather circled around the same epistemological issue. From this insight, the present article draws suggestions for the future development of IR theorizing.
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  • The Expansion of Presidential Tool Box in the Reagan Administration:
    the Conservative Lawyers and Institutionalization of Presidential Signing Statement
    Takeshi UMEKAWA
    2011 Volume 62 Issue 1 Pages 1_247-1_270
    Published: 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.62.1_247
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      In legislative process, the American Constitution allows President to sign a bill or veto it. However, the modern American Presidents have issued “Signing Statement” when they sign a bill into law without constitutional provision. In signing statement, Presidents have declared unconstitutionality of a bill.
      The previous researches found the Reagan administration began to use signing statement to point unconstitutionality. How have the Reagan administration institutionalize the usage of constitutional signing statement as a new presidential tool?
      This paper focuses on primal resources of the Department of Justice and White House and shows how the conservative lawyers had institutionalized constitutional signing statement. For the conservative lawyers, the primary goal of constitutional signing statement was to restrict “Judicial Activism” of judicial branch and they relied on the conservative constitutional interpretations, “Originalism” and “Departmentalism,” to legitimate signing statement as a new presidential tool.
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  • Policy information framework and issue-deliberative motive formulation analysis for toughening measures under Juvenile Law
    Tsuneo OGAWA
    2011 Volume 62 Issue 1 Pages 1_271-1_290
    Published: 2011
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.62.1_271
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      Conventional research on mass media effects focuses on the areas of recipient recognition, image, and evaluation. However, in this study, midway through the process of recognition through evaluation, we focus on before an evaluation is formulated and the impact on “issue-deliberative motive formulation.” This paper examines the issue of Japan toughening measures under the Revised Juvenile Law in 2000, which is thought to be, in part, an emotional directive, and analyzes the issue of the toughening of measures against junior high-school students.
      Three types of information frameworks covering the same amount of information were prepared, read by 120 college students, and upon reading, their degree of stimulation for the issue was measured. Measured items were orientation toward a) inner reflection, b) external information, and c) discussion.
      As a result, despite the information covering the same issue, the “information type foreseeing individual contrasts type” framework which predicts the pros and cons of toughening measures or providing rehabilitation education for each subordinate issue was significantly different from the other two frameworks. In contrast, the “impact foreseeing type” framework showed a disposition toward heightened mental burden when processing information.
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