年報政治学
Online ISSN : 1884-3921
Print ISSN : 0549-4192
ISSN-L : 0549-4192
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63 巻, 1 号
選択された号の論文の9件中1～9を表示しています
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［特集］　自民党と政権交代
  • プラザ合意と 「平成政変」
    松浦 正孝
    2012 年 63 巻 1 号 p. 1_11-1_36
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2016/02/24
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.63.1_11
    ジャーナル フリー
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      In 1989 a large political shift began. On January 7th the Showa Emperor passed away and Heisei was decided on as the name of the new era. Various important political incidents and scandals occurred and the Takeshita and Uno Cabinets resigned. Some people imagined that this political shift would be like that of the Taisho era, in which the Meiji Emperor's death also indicated the start of far-reaching changes. Nobody knows when “the Heisei Political Shift” will conclude, but its first climax might be seen as the resignation of the Miyazawa Cabinet and the end of the Liberal Democratic Party's monopoly of government in 1993. It is often said that the end of the Cold War brought about this political shift, but few have explained how. This article hypothesizes that the Plaza Accords were one of the main causes of “the Heisei Political Shift”. It focuses on the unique economic consultant Kenichi Ohmae who established the network of Heisei Ishin (Heisei Restoration).
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  • 有権者による政党システム認識の変遷
    中村 悦大
    2012 年 63 巻 1 号 p. 1_37-1_64
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2016/02/24
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.63.1_37
    ジャーナル フリー
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      Voters' perception of Japanese party system after the electoral reform was investigated and compared with the perception under the LDP dominance era. Tobit principal component analysis was applied to the feeling thermometer data in seven different dataset and analyzed the changes and continues of the voters' perception toward party system. As the result, I found voters put parties on two dimensional space, whose first dimension is the left-right policy frame and the second dimension is governmental party - opposition party distinction. The two dimensional space emerged after the Koizumi cabinet. I also found there is a fair correlation between the voters' principal component score of the governmental party- opposition party dimension and the retrospective evaluation of the cabinet.
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  • ポスト構造改革の政策路線
    ―労働市場規制を事例として―
    永戸 力
    2012 年 63 巻 1 号 p. 1_65-1_88
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2016/02/24
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.63.1_65
    ジャーナル フリー
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      The Abe Administration declared the continuation of the “Koizumi structural reform”. In spite of having been given the political advantage of a great victory in the general election in September 2005, the Government was forced to abandon Koizumi-like neo-liberal policy plans. Adopting grid-group cultural theory, this paper explores the factor of such policy change in labor market regulation. Various factors were pointed out in previous researches. In this paper, the author who emphasizes a change of people's values compares a public evaluation of a neo-liberal policy plan in the Koizumi era to that in the Abe era. This analysis suggests the following points. First, in the Koizumi era, people evaluated regulatory reforms as good ones that struggled with vested interests and lead to economic recovery. Second, on the contrary, in the Abe era, people criticized neo-liberal regulatory reforms as bad policies that lead to so-called “working poor” phenomena. Third, this shift not only offered bureaucrats a chance to re-regulate labor market but also provoke the prominent character of the Liberal Democratic Party ? to stand by the weak in case of political crises.
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  • 自民党政権の崩壊と公務員制度改革
    笠 京子
    2012 年 63 巻 1 号 p. 1_89-1_113
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2016/02/24
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.63.1_89
    ジャーナル フリー
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      This thesis insist that civil service reform which was regarded most difficult one of administrative reforms in Japan since 1980s have finally begun to move by the collapse of the LDP 55th regime in 1993. However, it takes too long time to make a decision and policy making process seems to be a typical case of “Garbage Can Model”. Main cause of producing this feature is the change of relationship between politicians and bureaucrats. Politicians without any unified perspective of the new civil service strayed whereas bureaucrats acted rationally in a monolith to keep the status quo. Seven institutions concerning to civil service reform have negative effects to the reform, but the change of most influential institution among them, that is the relationship between the politicians and bureaucrats had changed to promote the reform. This change come from the collapse of the LDP 55th regime.
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  • 自民党政権下における医療政策
    ―保守政党の社会政策と利益団体―
    宗前 清貞
    2012 年 63 巻 1 号 p. 1_114-1_137
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2016/02/24
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.63.1_114
    ジャーナル フリー
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      This article explains how LDP had developed post-war medical policy. Having very strong political ties with Japan Medical Association, LDP had supported JMA's claims for higher payment of social health care insurance. Business leaders and mayors as well as workers were all against high payment, but JMA doctors were strongly united and available to simultaneously refuse social insurance contract. Since no health care system would be possible without contracted doctors, LDP was afraid enough for big compromises with them. JMA seemed a successful political giant as a pressure group for medical industry.
      On the other hand, new medical schools graduated 4000 more doctors every year since early 1970s. The expansion against JMA's favor was eagerly supported by local politicians and LDP pursued the programs for more rural doctors. Number of doctors increased rapidly and this was the beginning of the end of JMA era.
      Structural changes inside medical environment happened to make hospitals more focused. Being grown surgical needs and chronic invalids, majority of medical expense went to hospitals. More doctors, nurses, and other medical professionals worked in hospitals. Thus interests within medical industry became greatly diffuse and JMA was no longer an exclusive representative of the business.
      Politics of the medicals was the politics of medical economy for long time and JMA won games against cost bearers and Ministry of Welfare. The policy, however, also had another important element: public control over medical supply such as beds, professionals, and networks. MOW failed to establish authorities on such control so that this constraint limited following attempts for systematic medical service.
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  • 連立政権下の教育政策
    德久 恭子
    2012 年 63 巻 1 号 p. 1_138-1_160
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2016/02/24
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.63.1_138
    ジャーナル フリー
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      This article analyzes continuity and change of education policies in Japan, giving attention to political coalition and discourse related to that. The government had embarked in education reform since 1967. Most of them, however, could not be carried out because of a “immobilism”. This immobilism was enhanced by the status quo orientation of Ministry of Education (MOE) and the education zoku in LDP. At the same time, the conservatism and radicalism of the progressive opposition were maintaining institutions of ‘democratic’ education founded in Occupation Era. Public support to education reform was weak until 1993. After the election of that year, new government changed the policy toward reforms, induced political groups to a pragmatic policy line. The discourse of “Yutori” idea made MOE and Nikkyoso (Japan Teachers Union) settle their differences peacefully and achieve the reform.
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  • 政権交代と省庁再編
    ―1980年以降の韓国を事例に―
    南 京兌
    2012 年 63 巻 1 号 p. 1_161-1_181
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2016/02/24
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.63.1_161
    ジャーナル フリー
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      This study explores to examine the organizational changes in Korea public bureaucracy since the Chun Doo Hwan administration. Why do some public organizations grow old and others die young? Is there any particular pattern in reorganizations of government organizations? How the turnover of political power in the presidential election has affected the government reorganizations?
      The decisive factor of government reorganizations is the political power shifting that involved in a wide range of organizational reform. Public organizations are at the greatest risk when the political turnover occurs, and the ruling party and the opposition party conflict with each other after the political turnover with accompanying large-scale reorganizations. And, agencies are more stable than cabinet-level departments.
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