年報政治学
Online ISSN : 1884-3921
Print ISSN : 0549-4192
ISSN-L : 0549-4192
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65 巻, 2 号
選択された号の論文の15件中1～15を表示しています
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［特集］　政治学におけるガバナンス論の現在
  • 税制改革と民主主義ガバナンス
    ―リスク・ラバーたちの消費税―
    木寺 元
    2014 年 65 巻 2 号 p. 2_11-2_40
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.65.2_11
    ジャーナル フリー
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    The consumption tax reform is considered as one of the risky policies for the ruling party in Japan. But the Murayama cabinet (1994-1995) and the Noda cabinet (2011-2012) decided to increase the rate of consumption tax. How can we explain the decision making process? Using the behavioral economic theory “(Cumulative) Prospect Theory” that describes how people make decisions under conditions of uncertainty, this article shows that, as the support for the Murayama cabinet and the Noda cabinet were getting worse and worse, the ruling parties turned to be the risk-loving player who is willing to take more risks in order to earn higher returns and then decided to commit the tax reform.
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  • 日本の基礎自治体ガバナンスにおける無作為型市民参加の研究
    ―事業評価における取組みを中心として―
    長野 基
    2014 年 65 巻 2 号 p. 2_41-2_65
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.65.2_41
    ジャーナル フリー
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    Recently, more and more municipal governments have begun to incorporate citizen participation into program reviews. One recruitment method that is becoming increasingly common is random sampling of residents, who are invited to participate in deliberations over policy issues in small groups as part of the review process. We investigated these new citizen participation activities in the Greater Tokyo Area by conducting participatory observations. We found that the activities could potentially have positive effects on municipal governance. One effect is increasing the number of participants, who previously had little access to existing public consultation, and this in turn contributes new policy knowledge to the policy making process; another is improving policy learning for technocrats through fuller deliberations. Like other forms of citizen participation involving by political actors, however, these activities have a downside: political mobilization. They provide municipal executives with political legitimacy for acting against the interests of other stakeholders (including related municipal divisions and private service providers) and for achieving their policy objectives through indirect means (framing and agenda controls) and direct ones (attendance and high visibility). Accordingly, we must be aware of the potential and risk for politicization of citizen panels in the reform of municipal governments and governance.
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  • 好意の規定因としての対人環境とメディア
    ―有権者意識における政党の競合と成長―
    白崎 護
    2014 年 65 巻 2 号 p. 2_66-2_90
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.65.2_66
    ジャーナル フリー
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    This study aspires to ascertain effects of interpersonal exchange and TV news on the electorates' political awareness during the Koizumi administration that is the growth phase of the two-party system in Japan. Focusing attention on the effects of interpersonal exchange and NHK news channel on the approval rating of the DPJ with respect to members of the electorate who were surrounded by LDP voters, interpersonal exchange could be seen to have an effect only in the fourth election, whereas NHK news had a greater significance in the first two elections. On the other hand, the effects of the NHK news channel on opinions of the LDP and Koizumi seemed to occur most strongly in the fourth and final election considered in this study. Voters' knowledge of the DPJ, or their interest in the party, or their expectations of the party, might have been so minimal that little influential argument about the party occurred before the fourth election. In the meantime, the apparently objective NHK news reported the emerging party. Thus, the fact conversation partners knew less about the DPJ may have increased the influence of the NHK news reports on voters.
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  • 大統領制化と政党政治のガバナンス
    岩崎 正洋
    2014 年 65 巻 2 号 p. 2_91-2_109
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.65.2_91
    ジャーナル フリー
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    In this article, we focus on a relationship between presidentialization and party politics. Especially, we pay attention to the governance of party politics. According to Thomas Poguntke and Paul Webb, phenomenon of presidentialization “denominates a process by which regimes are becoming more presidential in their actual practice without, in most cases, changing their formal structure, that is, their regime type.” They refer to as three faces of presidentialization, that is, (1) the executive face, (2) the party face, and (3) the electoral face. These faces are complementary in the democratic governance. In this paper, the phenomenon of presidentialization means the governance of party politics. There are two types of governance by political parties. One is “governance in the party” and another one is “governance among the parties.” It is useful for us to understand the changes of party politics by using the concepts of “governance in the party” and “governance among the parties.”
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  • コーポレート・ガバナンスの政治学
    ― 「三つのＩ」 のアプローチ―
    西岡 晋
    2014 年 65 巻 2 号 p. 2_110-2_134
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.65.2_110
    ジャーナル フリー
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    In recent years, among the governance theory, especially the corporate governance has attracted social attention. In the field of the business administration, economics and law, a number of literature on the corporate governance have been written. However, it has not been much attention in the political science. The object of this article is to review several recent political studies on the corporate governance, here termed the ‘politics of the corporate governance’.
      This article summarizes the previous researches, stressing the distinctiveness of the ‘three I’s approaches in the political analysis of the corporate governance: institution, interest and idea-based approaches. The institution-based approaches reveal correlation between the political institutions and diversity of the corporate governance. The interest-based approaches focus on the role of political parties, political coalitions of some interest groups and corporate actors to the political process of the corporate governance. The idea-based approaches reveal role of the ideas, discourses and framing which effect on the corporate governance system changes.
      Although the previous studies has contributed to the ‘politics of the corporate governance’, there still remain questions. We need to address the challenges.
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  • ポスト・コンフリクト社会のガバナンスを考える
    ―イラクを事例に―
    山尾 大
    2014 年 65 巻 2 号 p. 2_135-2_155
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.65.2_135
    ジャーナル フリー
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    This study attempts to reconsider governance in a post-conflict society by shedding special light on non-official actors, using the case of Iraq after the U.S. invasion of 2003.
      Widespread governance indicators such as ‘Worldwide Governance Indicators’ tend to emphasize the abilities of the government to govern a certain country. This cannot, however, be applied while analysing situations in a post-conflict society, as non-governmental or non-official bodies tend to play an important role in organizing the government, as well as in shaping the political institutions that influence the process of state building. Hence, this study tries to clarify the alternative roles played by non-official actors such as tribes, regional governors, and religious establishments by evaluating governance in post-war Iraq.
      The study concludes that these non-official actors prevented a collapse of governance by the government, and contributed to improving it by maintaining public security, improving public services, and supervising governmental policies in post-war Iraq.
      This implies that analysing governance by paying attention to non-official actors might also contribute to the research on state building in post-conflict societies.
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  • ガバナンスにおけるパートナーシップ
    ―ナショナルとグローバル両レベルでの実践と理論―
    杉浦 功一
    2014 年 65 巻 2 号 p. 2_156-2_184
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.65.2_156
    ジャーナル フリー
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    “Partnerships” are essential for national and global governance. This article attempts to understand the history of partnerships, their roles in governance, their characteristics and challenges, and analytical frameworks for them by examining partnerships at both the national and the global level in terms of practices and theories. First, this article examines the debates on governance and the experiences of partnership practices, especially public-private partnerships (PPP), in developed countries. Then, this article considers what partnerships represent in developing countries. Furthermore, this article examines how partnerships have developed in global governance, focusing on the United Nations' attempts at building partnerships and on partnerships in the fields of sustainable development and health. Then, this article compares and contrasts national and global partnerships, and attempts to construct an inclusive analytical framework for partnerships. Finally, this article indicates that the research on partnerships can overcome the artificial division between developed and developing countries, as well as that between national and global governance, inherent in current practices and theories of governance.
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［公募論文］
  • 地方議員の立法活動
    ―議員提出議案の実証分析―
    築山 宏樹
    2014 年 65 巻 2 号 p. 2_185-2_210
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.65.2_185
    ジャーナル フリー
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    In Japan, local legislators often seem inactive and redundant. In fact, they introduce much fewer bills than local governors. However, why don't these local legislators devote themselves to legislative activities, especially introduction of bills?
      Using the panel data of 47 Japanese prefectural assemblies from 1967 to 2006, this study investigates the determinants of bill introduction by local legislators. We mainly focus on the effect of political institutions: executive-legislative relations, parliamentary rules, and central-local relations via the party system. The results of Poisson and a negative binominal regression model with unconditional fixed effects show that parliamentary factions tend to introduce more bills in following situations: while opposing the governor, when the factions are large enough to introduce bills on their own, and when they don't have a close connection with the central government via the party system. These results imply that the institutional restrictions of local legislatures cause their legislators to be inactive in introducing bills.
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  • 推論的ジレンマと司法審査の正当性
    斉藤 尚
    2014 年 65 巻 2 号 p. 2_211-2_231
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.65.2_211
    ジャーナル フリー
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    The aim of this paper is to clarify the theoretical possibilities for judicial review by arguing the influence and implication of social choice theory.
      There are three schools of thought concerning this issue. First, scholars such as William Riker consider the negative implication of Arrow's theorem against populism, and defend the normative validity of judicial review. Second, social choice theorists such as Amartya Sen study the mathematical formulas of constitutional choice. Third, scholars such as Cristian List have recently defended the normal validity of judicial review as one solution to discursive dilemma.
      This paper supports the third scholar, as his thinking can clarify the fundamental character of judicial review. However, List's perspective can only justify the normative validity of judicial review, without formalizing it. The paper concludes with examples of further possibilities for the application of List's arguments.
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  • 伊藤博文の 「立法」 観
    ― 「協賛」 をめぐる一考察―
    久保田 哲
    2014 年 65 巻 2 号 p. 2_232-2_252
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.65.2_232
    ジャーナル フリー
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    According to Article 5 of the Meiji Constitution, the Imperial Diet was identified as a kyosan organization. Then, what intention did Ito have to identify it as a kyosan organization?
      Ito learned from Mosse and Stein that the legislature should not be allowed to act completely arbitrarily, but that the legislative process for deliberation bills was required for a constitutional system of government. Those days in Japan, as such a fixed legislative process did not yet exist, this point can be considered pioneering. Moreover, while Ito thought that Japan was not yet ready for party politics, he hoped that the Imperial Diet would support the enactment of the law that suited national polity in the future. Ito having an antinomic “legislation” perspective － a legislature not acting arbitrarily and the hope to enact the law which suited national polity － found flexibility in the constitutional positioning of the Imperial Diet.
      It can then be said that kyosan was an exquisite expression which includes Ito's “legislation” perspective.
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  • 十分性説における閾値
    ―分配的正義論における平等主義への疑念―
    保田 幸子
    2014 年 65 巻 2 号 p. 2_253-2_270
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.65.2_253
    ジャーナル フリー
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    This paper advocates sufficientarianism, which insists that everyone should be above a certain threshold. There are three criticisms against sufficientarianism on the threshold of sufficiency. First, it is said that sufficientarianism does not define where the threshold is. Secondly, many sufficientarians assume a single threshold, but there is no reason. Thirdly, both subjective and objective way of threshold setting have difficulties. Despite the significance of these criticisms, sufficientarianism has not responded.
      To fill this gap in the literature, this paper tries to respond these criticisms. To begin with, I show that the first criticism is not persuasive because the important issue here is the choice between subjective threshold and objective threshold. Next, about the second criticism, I propose two-threshold ssufficientarianism. Then I divide the objective threshold into two types; one depends on distributive condition, the other does not. The objective threshold which does not depend on distributive condition can avoid the third criticism. This paper concludes by suggesting that two-thresholds sufficientarianism which does not depend on distributive condition favors resource sufficiency or capability sufficiency rather than welfare sufficiency.
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  • 植民地統治における開発への思想的転換
    ―貧困の発見と革新主義―
    五十嵐 元道
    2014 年 65 巻 2 号 p. 2_271-2_290
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.65.2_271
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    This article will show how the paradigm of development emerged in the British Empire in the 1930s. Some existing works on development seek to describe the power structure of ‘depoliticization’ in developing countries by analyzing development aid policies after decolonization. However, they hardly explain when and how the depoliticization of poverty and development began. This article will demonstrate that when the paradigm of development emerged in the 1930s, poverty and development were depoliticized from the very beginning. In the late 19th and early 20th century, British colonial administration was based mainly on the colonial philosophy of ‘indirect rule.’ However, in the 1930s, poverty was found by new experts such as social anthropologists and biologists in the British colonies. By using scientific methods, they constituted the paradigm of development which required social policies in dependent territories. In this process, the structure of depoliticization was established.
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［学界展望］
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