音声研究
Online ISSN : 2189-5961
Print ISSN : 1342-8675
4 巻 , 1 号
選択された号の論文の18件中1~18を表示しています
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特集「琉球方言の音声」
  • 相澤 正夫
    原稿種別: 本文
    2000 年 4 巻 1 号 p. 3-
    発行日: 2000/04/28
    公開日: 2017/08/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 上村 幸雄
    原稿種別: 本文
    2000 年 4 巻 1 号 p. 4-18
    発行日: 2000/04/28
    公開日: 2017/08/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    The article is composed of the following: 1. Ryukyuan language, its definition, history and the present state 2. Some comments on the methodology of the phonetic research 3. Phonological characteristics of the Ryukyuan dialects as compared to mainland Japanese 4. Differences between the phonetic characteristics of the Amami-Okinawa dialect group and those of the Miyako-Yaeyama dialect group 5. Vowel phoneme systems of Amami, Okinawa, Miyako, Yaeyama, and Yonaguni Dialects 6. Some characteristics of Ryukyuan consonant phonemes, including the phonemic contrasts between the laryngealized unaspirated consonants and the consonants without laryngealization 7. Further sub-classification of the above two dialect groups
  • かりまた しげひさ
    原稿種別: 本文
    2000 年 4 巻 1 号 p. 19-27
    発行日: 2000/04/28
    公開日: 2017/08/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    Some sub-dialects of the Northern Ryukyuan Dialect of Japanese keep the voiceless bilabial stop /p/ of ancient Japanese, while in some of its sub-dialects, the stop has changed to /h/, as seen in present-day Japanese dialects on the mainland of Japan. Moreover, in some Northern Ryukyuan dialects, /k/ has historically changed to /h/, and /t/ has also changed to /s/ or /θ/. These cases of spirantization of voiceless stops are all mutually related. These changes are also connected to vowel raising (o > u, e > i) and laryngealization of consonants, both of which have taken place in the Northern Ryukyuan Dialect. The degree of spirantization differs from one sub-dialect to another.
  • 大野 眞男, 久野 眞, 杉村 孝夫, 久野 マリ子
    原稿種別: 本文
    2000 年 4 巻 1 号 p. 28-35
    発行日: 2000/04/28
    公開日: 2017/08/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    The South Ryukyu dialects are divided into two categories: one of which basically has three vowels /i ・ a ・ u/, and the other, four /i ・ ï ・ a ・ u/. The former is assumed to be derived from the latter by the decline of the neutral vowel /ï/. This neutral vowel has been interpreted and transcribed differently in phonetic notation by many researchers, e.g., [ï, ɨ, 〓]. The purpose of this article is to analyse the acoustic substance of these neutral vowels, using the digitized phonetic sources of the Aragusuku dialect as reported in Kuno et al. (1993), and the Karimata dialect and Oogami dialect as reported in Oono et al. (1998). According to Imaishi (1997), the characteristics of the neutral vowel can be seen from examination of F2. Although the distribution of F2 of the neutral vowels in all of these dialects locates between [i] and [u], the values of F2/F1 differ significantly among these dialects. This is supposed to be affected by the difference of articulatory position of the vowels in question. The value of F2/F1 of Oogami dialect is especially low, and in part overlaps with that of [u]. This means that the tongue position of the neutral vowel in Oogami is very close to that of [u]. Presumably, the distinction between the two vowels depends on the configuration of the lips, spread vs. round.
  • 沢木 幹栄
    原稿種別: 本文
    2000 年 4 巻 1 号 p. 36-41
    発行日: 2000/04/28
    公開日: 2017/08/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    Miyako dialect which belongs to Ryukyu dailect is peculiar among Japanese dialects in its consonant-based characteristics. Its so-called "mid-vowel" is more like a consonant than a vowel in substance, and it has several syllabic consonants which can compose a syllable by themselves. Various phonological interepretations of the dialect have been proposed, but they are all insufficient sometimes with their redundancy, sometimes with their internal contradiction. The best solution is not yet found.
  • 上野 善道
    原稿種別: 本文
    2000 年 4 巻 1 号 p. 42-54
    発行日: 2000/04/28
    公開日: 2017/08/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to describe some characteristics of the accents of the Amami dialects, as compared with those of Mainland Japanese dialects. The following points are discussed with concrete examples: (1) there is great variation among the dialects, (2) many dialects have multi-peak patterns, (3) N-pattern accent systems are dominant, with multi-pattern accent systems found as well, and (4) there are various kinds of accentual alternations. The historical aspects of Amami accent are also sketched: (5) I propose proto-categories for accent, and (6) three types of origins for accent are found and discussed. Lastly, I propose that the traditional analysis of syllable structure must be revised to capture the general nature of accentual alternations.
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