季刊経済理論
Online ISSN : 2189-7719
Print ISSN : 1882-5184
ISSN-L : 1882-5184
49 巻, 2 号
選択された号の論文の17件中1~17を表示しています
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. Cover1-
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 福島 利夫
    原稿種別: 本文
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 3-5
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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  • 伊藤 誠
    原稿種別: 本文
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 6-15
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    This essay examines contemporary arguments for basic income in view of Marxian theories of political economy. In the first section, it begins with a general definition of basic income as a regular income publicly supplied to all individual social members without means test. This idea has gathered academic and social attention in Western Europe since the 1980s. It reflected a deadlock of traditional welfare policies, as individualistic life style (such as single mothers and elderly singles) became widespread, as well as increasing irregular workers with unstable jobs. It has been supported not just by social democrats among other various ideologists but also by influential Marxian theorists as a policy device possibly to guarantee real freedom for all in a future society via social democracy against the Soviet model. When the idea is introduced into Japan after two decades, however, it is argued mainly within a framework of reformation of the existing social security system in a capitalist society. The possible academic contributions from the view of Japanese Marxian political economy to this contemporary issue still remain to be explored. In the second section, a history of this idea is briefly reviewed. Two types of social thoughts which flowed into the contemporary arguments for basic income are discernible. The first type originates from T. Pain, asserting social need and legitimacy of basic income redistribution upon the premise of capitalist market economy. The second type assumes either centrally planned or market socialist society where some sorts of basic income for social members as communal owners of means of production are easily and duly to be realized. However, full basic income, which is sufficient to maintain an ordinary economic life for individual persons by itself, would not be realizable theoretically even in models of market socialism, not to mention capitalist societies, so long as it would seriously damage functions of labour market and incentive for market labour. In the third section, affinities between ideas of basic income and Marxian political economy are investigated. For instance, Marx's own image of future society beyond capitalism as 'association of free individuals' is clearly closer to the contemporary socialist idea of basic income to achieve real freedom for all individuals rather than to the Soviet model of society. Marxian analysis of contemporary capitalism must serve to clarify the historical necessity and feasibility of basic income as an advanced form of social welfare policy, better and deeper than any other economic schools. On the other hand, contemporary arguments for basic income request reconsideration on some of Marxian thoughts and theories. For example, although Marx formulated that an ideal rule of redistribution 'from each according to one's ability, to each according to his need' is realizable only at the second higher phase of communist society, contemporary Marxian economists began to be aware that redistribution according to one's necessity could be at least gradually and partially realizable already in the form of advanced social security system or its reform program as basic income. Further, if Marx's theoretical treatment of skilled or complex labour is reconsidered as suggested in this essay, Marxian labour theory of value would easily gain affinity with the idea of basic income demanding fundamentally egalitarian redistribution of income. Thus this essay attempts to show that Marxian basic theories of value, surplus-value and economic crisis can serve well as a basic frame of reference also for examining the historical significance of contemporary arguments on basic income.
  • 小沢 修司
    原稿種別: 本文
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 16-21
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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    This paper is the one to supplement the content I have insisted so far from the standpoint to welcome to discussions of basic income from Marxian economics. Makoto ITOH points out the two currents in discussions about basic income. One of the currents aims to reform of social security system in the capitalism economy, and another one is one of the income allocation in the socialism economy. He says that the author is limited to the ones from the former, and that from the latter investigation needs to be done. I agree in pointing this out. Why I have made a study of basic income from the standpoint of the former? To introduce basic income theory to Japan, and put it on the study widely as a real reform agenda, I considered that it is necessary for hammering basic income theory to the front as a countermeasure to the dysfunction of the social security system. However, the origin of the author is in Marxian economics, and I very much expect and welcome the development of basic income discussed from the standpoint of the latter. My understanding of basic income is that conflicts of capitalism development and human life in the 21 century stage requests it, and it is the income security version of "new public policy to support human activities". This understanding is the ones based, on sense, social policy essentially controversy took place once. I have adopted the view that capitalism cannot prolong without introducing a basic income. Basic income will be introduced under capitalism to achieve "apitalism with a human face", in there "counter relationship between capital and labor" will prepare the next stage, this is my understanding. ITOH has criticized the author's theory of financial resources. The author has done a trial calculation of income tax revenue from the argument that basic income funds are suitable to procure from the value produced every year from all of our labor. But, at the argument, he says, it isn't suitable that an estimate is limited to the appropriation of earned income. I agree on this point, too. Exactly speaking, financial resources of basic income should be a national income. If basic income to the tax coffers will be introduced, the employer contribution in social insurance will be reduced. So, I have done a suggestion to impose the new tax equivalent to reduction of the employer contribution. Because I think that the expense of socially necessary to ensure a workforce, i. e. housing, childcare, education and so on, is a course load for the business owner. This proposal is similar to the idea of "jobs tax" that MURAOKA has proposed. Finally, I want to emphasize to oppose the plan to enrich the social services against a neo-liberal basic income theory.
  • 成瀬 龍夫
    原稿種別: 本文
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 22-31
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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    In Japan, although the situation of income differential and poverty has spread among people, the Government has not fully done the correspondence. As a cause of the governmental insufficient action, the weakness of the function of income redistribution by a taxation system and a social security system is pointed out. The Government is pressed to put a serious reform of social security system into action and is tackling "an integrated reform of tax and social security". However the Government is charging at a big hike in consumption tax, not showing a clear vision of a social security reform. The social security system of Japan, in addition to the problem of a chronic fund shortage, has a grave concern over the sustainability to the future. The system has set social insurance institutions as a financial core, so that it may be called social-insurance center principle. However, the number of recipients of an annual pension and medical treatments is increasing quickly under the increase of the aged population, while the working population which pays a social security payment is continuing to decrease. Moreover, in the market for labor in Japan, nonregular workers of short-time labor are continuing to increase in number, and the rate occupies 1/3 of all the employed workers. The worker of less than 30 hours per week has not a qualification to join a social insurance. Under such a background, most of social insurances in Japan has fallen into the situation of a financial emergency and is losing the view to future. The social security system of Japan does not match with the low birthrate and aging of population and the bipolarization of a market for labor. Such conventional reforms as an increase of social insurance premiums, a cut of a benefit payout and a tax increase have already reached the limit. The social security of Japan should free itself from the social-insurance center principle. I think that we are coming to the time to grope for the system reorganization by a new view. The important method is changing the income grant in the present social security payment to a new system for paying a basic income. However, it is difficult to change the present income grant to a basic income system fully at once. As a process of the change, introducing partially and expanding gradually will be viewed. I think that the priority should be given to the old people and the child generation who cannot work for money probably. While granting at a small amount for the adult who can earn, it is required to secure the opportunity of a decent employment for them. Introduction of a basic income security is useful for the creation of a better society. Securing a basic income has the "basic effect" which gets rid of people's absolute poverty. Moreover, it forms the domain of subsistence economy distinguished from a market economy. Furthermore, a basic income system brings a social environment which people can enjoy a free and more fitting lifestyle for them. It is also expected to raise a consciousness of a social solidarity and to develop a mutual cooperation among people. There is a strong objection against the introduction of it from the point of view of a moral hazard, so-called "a fall of the will to work". But I do not side with this objection. I consider that the introduction will change the quality of people's will to work and will produce a new opportunity which raises people's will to work further.
  • 村岡 到
    原稿種別: 本文
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 32-42
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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    I created a word 'income of the right to live' in 1999. I have an original idea before basic income in trend. There is a process to reconsider theoretically 'the restoration of Socialism' since the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 and to get legal perspective to reach it. "The Socialist Calculation Debate" spread internationally in 1920s must be learned. Anti-Socialist Ludwig Mises said labor and distribution are separated in the Socialism. Apart from his recognition, that must be used. I think humans have a right to live from birth. Also it was cleared economy could not be operated by "the elimination of price law" Karl Marx said. Economic calculation, that need to value products, and 'the disclosure of information' were needed. An Austrian jurist Anton Menger said the right to live was the cores of Socialism, also the Weimar Constitution. Marxists were hostile to it because they opposed law. They should overcome that limit. The cores of 'the income of the right to live' are (1) to realize the right and (2) to link to eliminate relation between "wage labor and capital". Commoditized labor-power must be eliminated to overcome a capitalist economy. Those embodiments are to realize that. Benefit of it is set up a hundred thousand yen per month for each person (except child and old). 'The Employment tax' is proposed. Capitalists pay the tax which is the same amount of benefit to states from labor's wages. Labors get the rest by capitalists andbenefit by states. This tax covers over half of financial resources. The rest are covered by other tax which made by tax reform. Finally, possibilities of it are argued. There is an opinion "social-welfare measures could be cut, if basic income were established." That is wrong. 'The income of the right to live' and social-welfare measures could coexist.
  • 薗田 竜之介
    原稿種別: 本文
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 43-54
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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    In this paper, we propose a Kaleckian model in which international competition and conflict dynamics determine national growth rate. Some Kaleckian models have introduced international trade and conflict inflation, for example, Cassetti[2002], Missaglia[2007]. In these models, while national goods face international competition, price pressure has no impact on conflict dynamics, or influences only firms' mark-up. There are few Kaleckian models that focus on international competition effects on workers' wage bargaining. But in real world, workers can't claim high wage without considering international price competition. If workers raise wage level sharply under keen competition, national products may be not able to sustain its price competitiveness, and decrease its share of world market. Because own country's products' relative high price may contract domestic labor demand, workers need compromise to some extent in wage bargaining for keeping price competitiveness. Similarly, firms can't set too high rate of mark-up, to avoid defeat in international competition. So we present the conflict model that both of firms and workers have each target profit share, and adjust it considering real exchange rate. On this assumption, effect of increase in international competition pressure on national income distribution is ambiguous. It depends on institutional conflict parameter. We can classify societies into two groups from the view point of distribution regime. If profit share rises (wage share falls) when real exchange rate falls, this can be called a society that 'workers are sensitive', because workers are more influenced to increase in international price pressure than firms. Conversely, if profit share falls with real exchange rate, this is a society that 'firms are sensitive'. We also show two growth regimes following traditional Kaleckian literatures. One is 'wage-led growth' that high wage share leads high accumulation rate, and the other is 'profit-led growth' that is converse. Using this model, we investigate relation between international competition and national economic growth. Whether increase in price pressure of foreign goods leads lower growth rate, depends on the combination of distribution regimes and growth regimes. In societies that growth regime is profit-led (or weak wage-led) and firms are sensitive, when price inflation rate of foreign goods falls, own country's accumulation rate declines. In the same way, societies that growth regime is wage-led (or weak profit-led) and workers are sensitive, also follow low growth scenario under hard international competition. But on the other hand, in societies that growth regime is strong wage-led and firms are sensitive, or that growth regime is strong profit-led and workers are sensitive, increase in international price pressure conversely make own country's accumulation rate higher. The central claim of this paper is that, for discussing about national growth scenario in international economy, we need consider not only growth regime but also distribution regime.
  • 田添 篤史, 劉 歓
    原稿種別: 本文
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 55-64
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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    In the paper we build the mathematical model based on Robinson and Schutjer (1984) and test whether it expresses Boserup's theory correctly. Boserup's theory insists that agricultural technology progress under human pressure and the production per capita is decreasing along this line. It is our result that this model works well under some definitions. This is good for Robinson and Schutjer but someone should think Boserup's theory itself is improper for expressing economic history. The production per capita has been increasing in history and this result is harmful for Ohshima's theory. Ohshima claims scarcity of lands is most important for the feudal system. It is sufficient that ruling lands to control peasants under such situation but if the production per capita decrease, no one want to stay their land in the feudal system. This means that if Ohshima's theory is true the output per capita should increase with human pressure. We agree this opinion and try to improve this model. To do so we include the effect of land accumulation in this model. Though land is expanded along with human pressure but a land per capita is decreasing. Under this condition our model expresses unique movement of the production per capita. If human pressure is not high, the output per capita decreases but if human pressure is high, the output per capita increases. This result is not suitable for Boserup's theory but supports Ohshima's opinion. As we said above increasing output per capita is requested if someone wants to control human by ruling lands. Of course this model is mathematical model so this result depends on the construction of our model. This means that this result is not universal validity but one of the unique opinion and we admit we should improve this model. But we believe it offers good base for future research.
  • 知見 邦彦
    原稿種別: 本文
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 65-77
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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    The prevailing view of the main change in the insurance industry in the United States since the 1970's has been the development of "Alternative Risk Transfer" and "Enterprise Risk Management". However, "Financialization of the Economy" has been a grater source of change on the insurance industry as it brought with it-financialization of insurance products, insurance premiums and the insurance business. This paper suggests that the insurance industry has been subsumed into the world of finance, which has meant the decline of the fundamental and comprehensive function of insurance, i.e. risk transference, risk pooling and risk distribution. Firstly, the financialization of insurance products means that they added a financial function to their function of compensation and security. In the era of financialization "Insurance Disintermediation" (the outflow of insurance money by canceling traditional insurance policies) triggered a change in insurance products by adding financial products such as investment trusts. Secondly, securitization of insurance products such as Catastrophe Bond (Insurance Linked Securities) was also a method of financialization of insurance products. Financialization of the insurance premium (which was originally based on the loss ratio) means that the level of the premium becomes influenced by investment yield, which is based on declining the insurance premium and ratio of profit for life insurers. The outcome of covering a deficit with investment transforms insurers to speculative institutional investors. In the 2007-2008 global financial crisis, the collapse of the major mono-line insurers and AIG shook the financial system. It was the first time that the collapse of insurers was deeply connected with the financial system. Financialization of insurance products refers to the expansion of credit. Financial guarantee insurance provides investors with the guaranteed payment of timely interest and the ultimate principal in the event of the failure of the issuer, which leads to incentives for investors to buy those financial products. CDS (Credit Default Swap) which mono-line insurers and AIG provide has had a similar function to financial guarantee insurance policies. As a result, mono-line insurers and the like have grown into a major source of credit enhancement.
  • 建部 正義
    原稿種別: 本文
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 78-80
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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  • 藤岡 惇
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    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 81-83
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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  • 宮田 和保
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    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 84-86
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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  • 柴田 徳太郎
    原稿種別: 本文
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 87-89
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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  • 川崎 志帆
    原稿種別: 本文
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 90-92
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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  • 井村 喜代子
    原稿種別: 本文
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 93-95
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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  • 有井 行夫
    原稿種別: 本文
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 96-98
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    2012 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 99-
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
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