This thesis questions how and why the international community clings to its nuclear weapons as a deterrent under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, while leaving the global hibakusha (A-bomb survivors) invisible and abandoned. Specifically, as a journalist, I explore a postwar myth embodied in the idea that the United States’ use of atomic bombs against Japan saved a million American lives and that that myth persists as the main justification for their use.

Japan has experienced three major nuclear disasters: the atomic bombing on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945; many fishermen’ s mysterious deaths and diseases of the Lucky Dragon No.5 and a thousand fishing boats near the US nuclear test area at Bikini Atoll through the late 1940’s to 50’s; and the Fukushima No.1 Nuclear Power Plant meltdown, caused by the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami in 2011. These nuclear disasters have created many hibakusha who have suffered from various diseases such as cancer and leukemia. However, it is still unclear whether there is a definite cause-and-effect relation between those diseases and radiation exposure.

I found that such invisible hibakusha also exist in the world’s largest atomic power — the United States. Thousands of “down winders” at the Hanford nuclear site, and hundreds of soldiers who worked for the Operation Tomodachi off the devastated Fukushima coast in 2011, have suffered diseases, and are being left behind.

In order to end the Atomic Age, I believe we must make use of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons which was adopted in 2017 at the United Nations. The treaty reminds us of the unacceptable suffering of hibakusha and the victims of nuclear tests. In spite of denials by the US and Japanese governments, the treaty seems to be gradually changing the mindset on nuclear weapons, reminding the international community that the nuclear weapon is not “a necessary evil” but “the ultimate evil.”

Many Korean residents of Kawasaki city live in Japan due to historical circumstances. On the basis of the regional movement in the Sakuramoto area of Kawasaki which is a Korean community, citizen intercultural exchange began with Bucheon city in South Korea in 1991. Both cities have signed a friendship city agreement in a high school student exchange project “Kawasaki-Bucheon High School Student Forum HANA” began in 2000.

HANA positively picked up such topics as history, war/peace, discrimination, and human rights, and discussed them at the forum. The 34th exchange meeting on 23-27 December 2016 was held in Kawasaki on the theme of “hate speech” High school students in both cities hold preparatory meetings two or three times each month and have real-time contact via LINE and Instagram. They deepen problem awareness through pre-learning and, with the support of the OB/OG (graduates) network, they noticed that we could be both discriminated against and discriminating, and they organized a program to look back on discriminated and discriminating issues in their daily lives.

In the production of the forum, they did fieldwork and held discussions and visited the Kawasaki Peace Museum. They came to realize the seriousness of the damage of hate speech and the importance of citizens’ activities. They noticed complex causes such as history, media, and education, and learned that various efforts are being promoted not only in Japan and Korea but in the whole world, and they jointly discussed what we can do.

Peace education and learning are exhausting to human education. A virtuous cycle is born that OB/OG while living and working in the community support the activities of HANA through their own experience and knowledge.

In 1959, with a passport issued by USCAR (United States Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands) , I went to Tokyo as a scholarship student. The nationality at that time was “Ryukyu,” and I sat in the front row alongside Southeast Asian students at the university’s entrance ceremony. Okinawa was part of Japan but was treated as a foreign country.

“The 60-year struggle for Japan-US security” became a trigger to think about the relationship between the return of Okinawa and Japan-US security. In 1963, I returned home. At that time Okinawa was under the situation of the Kokuba-kun issue. Mr. Kokuba was crossing with a green light when he was killed by a truck driven by a US soldier, who was found not guilty. The words of junior high school students who appealed at the protest rally are still remembered. “If we cannot cross with the blue, what color should we cross with?” I was made shockingly aware of the reality of Okinawa and the mission of the teacher. After that, in class, we tackled the theme of “How to teach Okinawa.”

Faced with the need to prevent the bill to restrict teachers’ rights (in Japan, it was called the issue of kyoko-niho), high school teacher members of the Okinawa Teachers’ Association formed a union. I devoted all my energy to the education and return movement as its full-time general secretary. The efforts of “Special Class” were later tackled in all prefectures. That is because Shuri High School conducted “thinking Okinawa to 4. 28,” “6. 23 the day of memorial” was born from the “unified homeroom.

The postwar history of Okinawa was the history of people who barely survived from the battlefield of Hell, and the history of struggle against the absurdity and unreasonableness of the US military occupation control. To protect lives and livelihoods and to realize peace and democracy, it is inevitable to learn “Okinawa in the base.” As the Constitution says, “constant effort” was necessary to preserve the freedom and rights guaranteed by the Constitution. “Return to Japan” was its important process as the “constant effort.”

This paper aims to indicate that discussions on policy effects regarding dispatching Japan Self Defense Forces (SDF) abroad for collective security seem to have hardly taken place in the National Diet over the past quarter of a century. It also intends to promote the revitalization of policy debate through showing disputing points that should be concretely discussed in the Diet. In general, policy debate should include discussion of both whether implementation of the policy is legally permitted (legality debate) , and whether implementation leads to the achievement of the expected goals (policy effect debate) . This is because there are policies that are legal but ineffective and those that are effective but illegal. However, almost all discussions of joining in collective security in the Diet have been centered on a legality debate.

On collective security, experts have mainly discussed (i) whether the deployment of forces influences peacekeeping and peacebuilding in intervened states, (ii) whether the deployment of forces has a harmful effect on intervened states, and (iii) whether the definition of policy effect is appropriate in the first place.

Regarding these disputing points, the debates are still on-going. On the other hand, in the Diet, it appears that policy effects have been addressed as if they were simply obvious. If one is to support the active deployment of the SDF to missions abroad, an assessment of policy effects should be presented as its basis. However, their discussions have focused on the interpretation of Article 9. It has been a “policy debate without policy effect debate.”

Considering this, this paper recommends that the Diet start an assessment of the policy effects of SDF deployment in past cases, based on the three points of dispute mentioned above. After the assessment of past cases, it will be possible for the Diet to carry out a “policy debate with both legality debate and policy effect debate.”

This paper examines the extent to which the institutionalization of risk analysis in the integrated assessment of UN integrated missions can prevent the politicization of humanitarian operations. Most studies regarding the impact of UN integrated missions on humanitarian operations were conducted before the release of the Integrated Assessment and Planning Handbook (IAP Handbook) in 2013. The handbook contains a checklist of humanitarian considerations intended to minimize the politicization of humanitarian operations. This paper reviews the process of the integrated assessment for the establishment of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) from the viewpoint of the checklist. The case study on UNSOM suggests two implications. First, a careful risk analysis of negative conditions for integration would contribute to minimizing the politicization of humanitarian operations. In the UNSOM assessment process, the Secretariat did not recommend a fully integrated UN mission, as it would negatively affect the relationship with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) . It demonstrates that the checklist, which includes a question on considering the relationship with NGOs, has a certain effect in minimizing the politicization of humanitarian operations at the Secretariat level. Second, there is a possibility that the Security Council may disregard the risk analysis conducted by the Secretariat for security and political reasons. The Security Council decided on the establishment of a more integrated mission (UNSOM) to contribute to political stabilization in Somalia as opposed to the Secretariat’ s recommendation. This shows that the balancing act between humanitarian, security, and political requirements at the Security Council level is yet to be resolved.

This paper attempts to explain why people joined the anti-nuclear movement in Turkey and clarifies their demands by analyzing public opinion surveys and conducting interview research. Turkey plans to install three nuclear power plants (NPPs) to meet its growing electricity demand and to boost economic growth. In 2013, a Japanese-French consortium won the deal to construct an NPP in Sinop on Turkey’s Black Sea coast. The Japanese government has promoted the nuclear export business as a main pillar of its economic growth strategy, claiming that foreign countries are in need of Japan’ s nuclear technology, even after the Fukushima nuclear accident. However, anti-nuclear opinion is growing in many countries. In Turkey, the anti-nuclear movement has developed since the mid-1970s. This paper tries to present the arguments of Turkish opponents of NPP, which must not be ignored in the process of nuclear export.

The first section of the paper analyses public opinion surveys on Turkey’s NPP project. The surveys demonstrate that a majority of Turkish citizens are against introducing NPPs in the country. The surveys also suggest that Turkish citizens’ negative view on NPPs comes from their experience and lessons from the Chernobyl nuclear accident.

In the second section, this study interviewed participants in the anti-nuclear movement in Turkey. Many of them referred to the Chernobyl nuclear accident and its negative effect on Turkey as a reason why they became opponents of NPP and joined the movement. In addition, they showed disappointment and discontent with nuclear export from Japan, which had experienced the Fukushima nuclear accident.

The third section focuses on the anti-nuclear movement’s demand for a democratic relationship between state and civil society. Accelerating development projects as a source of political support, the Turkish government has deregulated environmental protection and bypassed the democratic decision-making process. The movement criticizes not only NPP construction, but also the government’s authoritarian attitude.

Finally, the paper concludes that the nuclear project could have negative effects on local society, already affected by the Chernobyl nuclear accident, and hinder their demand for democracy.

This thesis questions how and why the international community clings to its nuclear weapons as a deterrent under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, while leaving the global hibakusha (A-bomb survivors) invisible and abandoned. Specifically, as a journalist, I explore a postwar myth embodied in the idea that the United States’ use of atomic bombs against Japan saved a million American lives and that that myth persists as the main justification for their use.

Japan has experienced three major nuclear disasters: the atomic bombing on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945; many fishermen’ s mysterious deaths and diseases of the Lucky Dragon No.5 and a thousand fishing boats near the US nuclear test area at Bikini Atoll through the late 1940’s to 50’s; and the Fukushima No.1 Nuclear Power Plant meltdown, caused by the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami in 2011. These nuclear disasters have created many hibakusha who have suffered from various diseases such as cancer and leukemia. However, it is still unclear whether there is a definite cause-and-effect relation between those diseases and radiation exposure.

I found that such invisible hibakusha also exist in the world’s largest atomic power — the United States. Thousands of “down winders” at the Hanford nuclear site, and hundreds of soldiers who worked for the Operation Tomodachi off the devastated Fukushima coast in 2011, have suffered diseases, and are being left behind.

In order to end the Atomic Age, I believe we must make use of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons which was adopted in 2017 at the United Nations. The treaty reminds us of the unacceptable suffering of hibakusha and the victims of nuclear tests. In spite of denials by the US and Japanese governments, the treaty seems to be gradually changing the mindset on nuclear weapons, reminding the international community that the nuclear weapon is not “a necessary evil” but “the ultimate evil.”

Many Korean residents of Kawasaki city live in Japan due to historical circumstances. On the basis of the regional movement in the Sakuramoto area of Kawasaki which is a Korean community, citizen intercultural exchange began with Bucheon city in South Korea in 1991. Both cities have signed a friendship city agreement in a high school student exchange project “Kawasaki-Bucheon High School Student Forum HANA” began in 2000.

HANA positively picked up such topics as history, war/peace, discrimination, and human rights, and discussed them at the forum. The 34th exchange meeting on 23- 27 December 2016 was held in Kawasaki on the theme of “hate speech” High school students in both cities hold preparatory meetings two or three times each month and have real-time contact via LINE and Instagram. They deepen problem awareness through pre-learning and, with the support of the OB/OG (graduates) network, they noticed that we could be both discriminated against and discriminating, and they organized a program to look back on discriminated and discriminating issues in their daily lives.

In the production of the forum, they did fieldwork and held discussions and visited the Kawasaki Peace Museum. They came to realize the seriousness of the damage of hate speech and the importance of citizens’ activities. They noticed complex causes such as history, media, and education, and learned that various efforts are being promoted not only in Japan and Korea but in the whole world, and they jointly discussed what we can do.

Peace education and learning are exhausting to human education. A virtuous cycle is born that OB/OG while living and working in the community support the activities of HANA through their own experience and knowledge.

In 1959, with a passport issued by USCAR (United States Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands) , I went to Tokyo as a scholarship student. The nationality at that time was “Ryukyu,” and I sat in the front row alongside Southeast Asian students at the university’s entrance ceremony. Okinawa was part of Japan but was treated as a foreign country.

“The 60-year struggle for Japan-US security” became a trigger to think about the relationship between the return of Okinawa and Japan-US security. In 1963, I returned home. At that time Okinawa was under the situation of the Kokuba-kun issue. Mr. Kokuba was crossing with a green light when he was killed by a truck driven by a US soldier, who was found not guilty. The words of junior high school students who appealed at the protest rally are still remembered. “If we cannot cross with the blue, what color should we cross with?” I was made shockingly aware of the reality of Okinawa and the mission of the teacher. After that, in class, we tackled the theme of “How to teach Okinawa.”

Faced with the need to prevent the bill to restrict teachers’ rights (in Japan, it was called the issue of kyoko-niho) , high school teacher members of the Okinawa Teachers’ Association formed a union. I devoted all my energy to the education and return movement as its full-time general secretary. The efforts of “Special Class” were later tackled in all prefectures. That is because Shuri High School conducted “thinking Okinawa to 4. 28,” “6. 23 the day of memorial” was born from the “unified homeroom.

The postwar history of Okinawa was the history of people who barely survived from the battlefield of Hell, and the history of struggle against the absurdity and unreasonableness of the US military occupation control. To protect lives and livelihoods and to realize peace and democracy, it is inevitable to learn “Okinawa in the base.” As the Constitution says, “constant effort” was necessary to preserve the freedom and rights guaranteed by the Constitution. “Return to Japan” was its important process as the “constant effort.”

This paper aims to indicate that discussions on policy effects regarding dispatching Japan Self Defense Forces (SDF) abroad for collective security seem to have hardly taken place in the National Diet over the past quarter of a century. It also intends to promote the revitalization of policy debate through showing disputing points that should be concretely discussed in the Diet. In general, policy debate should include discussion of both whether implementation of the policy is legally permitted (legality debate) , and whether implementation leads to the achievement of the expected goals (policy effect debate) . This is because there are policies that are legal but ineffective and those that are effective but illegal. However, almost all discussions of joining in collective security in the Diet have been centered on a legality debate.

On collective security, experts have mainly discussed (i) whether the deployment of forces influences peacekeeping and peacebuilding in intervened states, (ii) whether the deployment of forces has a harmful effect on intervened states, and (iii) whether the definition of policy effect is appropriate in the first place. Regarding these disputing points, the debates are still on-going.

On the other hand, in the Diet, it appears that policy effects have been addressed as if they were simply obvious. If one is to support the active deployment of the SDF to missions abroad, an assessment of policy effects should be presented as its basis. However, their discussions have focused on the interpretation of Article 9. It has been a “policy debate without policy effect debate.” Considering this, this paper recommends that the Diet start an assessment of the policy effects of SDF deployment in past cases, based on the three points of dispute mentioned above. After the assessment of past cases, it will be possible for the Diet to carry out a “policy debate with both legality debate and policy effect debate.”

This paper examines the extent to which the institutionalization of risk analysis in the integrated assessment of UN integrated missions can prevent the politicization of humanitarian operations. Most studies regarding the impact of UN integrated missions on humanitarian operations were conducted before the release of the Integrated Assessment and Planning Handbook (IAP Handbook) in 2013. The handbook contains a checklist of humanitarian considerations intended to minimize the politicization of humanitarian operations. This paper reviews the process of the integrated assessment for the establishment of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) from the viewpoint of the checklist. The case study on UNSOM suggests two implications. First, a careful risk analysis of negative conditions for integration would contribute to minimizing the politicization of humanitarian operations. In the UNSOM assessment process, the Secretariat did not recommend a fully integrated UN mission, as it would negatively affect the relationship with non-governmental organizations (NGOs). It demonstrates that the checklist, which includes a question on considering the relationship with NGOs, has a certain effect in minimizing the politicization of humanitarian operations at the Secretariat level. Second, there is a possibility that the Security Council may disregard the risk analysis conducted by the Secretariat for security and political reasons. The Security Council decided on the establishment of a more integrated mission (UNSOM) to contribute to political stabilization in Somalia as opposed to the Secretariat’ s recommendation. This shows that the balancing act between humanitarian, security, and political requirements at the Security Council level is yet to be resolved.

This paper attempts to explain why people joined the anti-nuclear movement in Turkey and clarifies their demands by analyzing public opinion surveys and conducting interview research. Turkey plans to install three nuclear power plants (NPPs) to meet its growing electricity demand and to boost economic growth. In 2013, a Japanese-French consortium won the deal to construct an NPP in Sinop on Turkey’s Black Sea coast. The Japanese government has promoted the nuclear export business as a main pillar of its economic growth strategy, claiming that foreign countries are in need of Japan’ s nuclear technology, even after the Fukushima nuclear accident. However, anti-nuclear opinion is growing in many countries. In Turkey, the anti-nuclear movement has developed since the mid- 1970s. This paper tries to present the arguments of Turkish opponents of NPP, which must not be ignored in the process of nuclear export.

The first section of the paper analyses public opinion surveys on Turkey’s NPP project. The surveys demonstrate that a majority of Turkish citizens are against introducing NPPs in the country. The surveys also suggest that Turkish citizens’ negative view on NPPs comes from their experience and lessons from the Chernobyl nuclear accident.

In the second section, this study interviewed participants in the anti-nuclear movement in Turkey. Many of them referred to the Chernobyl nuclear accident and its negative effect on Turkey as a reason why they became opponents of NPP and joined the movement. In addition, they showed disappointment and discontent with nuclear export from Japan, which had experienced the Fukushima nuclear accident.

The third section focuses on the anti-nuclear movement’s demand for a democratic relationship between state and civil society. Accelerating development projects as a source of political support, the Turkish government has deregulated environmental protection and bypassed the democratic decision-making process. The movement criticizes not only NPP construction, but also the government’s authoritarian attitude.

Finally, the paper concludes that the nuclear project could have negative effects on local society, already affected by the Chernobyl nuclear accident, and hinder their demand for democracy.