This paper regards the calico-substitute industry of 18th century Lancashire as an 'embryonic cotton industry' and investigates how it developed into pure-cotton industry. In past research, little attention has been given to the pre-water-frame era, and only fustian has been considered as a mediation to pure-cotton calico. I start by considering the question, "what was calico-substitute: fustian or linen?" I then closely examine the following two issues: 1.) how the export of Lancashire linens to the Atlantic world developed in competition with Indian calicoes, and 2.) how linen yarn for warp was supplied to Lancashire until the appearance of the water-frame. In 18th century Lancashire, linens filled the role of calico-substitutes. Both linen and fustian were linen-cotton fabrics (cotton weft and linen warp), but while linen was a thin, light cloth, fustian was heavy and thick. Furthermore, linen could be finished with bright colours, and was very suitable for underwear because it could be easily washed. Lancashire linen had the same character as calico, in that it could be used in every corner of the globe, whatever the climate. The Lancashire linen industry made products for universal use and sent them to many places in the Atlantic world. The process of the growth of the embryonic cotton industry depended heavily on the outside world, not only for the demand for the goods but also for the supply of raw materials: the Atlantic world as a market for linen, and Ireland as a supplier of linen yarns. This process was a preparatory stage for the coming pure-cotton industry. The Irish linen industry was incorporated as a yarn supplier into the growth process of the embryonic cotton industry of Lancashire. This viewpoint will help to cast further light on the relation between Britain and Ireland as well as the history of the Irish linen industry in the 18th century. At the same time, it could also offer a new perspective to the conventional question of how the British Industrial Revolution came about; that is, how important a role her closest and oldest colony, Ireland, played in its outbreak.

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This paper examines the changes in the Tamagawa Village area (currently a part of Setagaya Ward, Tokyo), due to the land redeployment project that occurred from 1925 to 1954. Although officially this enterprise was called a "redeployment of arable land" project, in reality the purpose of this project was to help create and maintain housing sites due to the escalating urbanization of Tokyo. Shoji Toyoda, who had served as the Tamagawa Village mayor, was the first person to plan this project. At first, he proceeded like he would conduct the administration of the village. In those days, the village had different sections, acting as subsystems, and influential people of each section governed them. In land redeployment, a similar approach was taken. Toyoda divided the object zones of redeployment along sections of the village, and had himself inaugurated as the president of a "redeployment of arable land association." Furthermore, he made the influential people of each section officers of this association. However, this existing community management method did not suit the land redeployment project. Therefore, as the project proceeded, new methods were explored, and ultimately a new way was adopted. The method of depending on the leadership of the influential members of the community had failed, and, instead, a more rational method came to be chosen. It was determined that "technology" was more practical than relying on influential people's power. Thus, it was decided, sites of planned construction cannot make decisions about the construction, but can only act as objects of construction. Therefore, ultimately, even the areas which opposed the project at the beginning had no choice but to accept it. This example, although limited in scale, clearly illustrates changes in community management after the 1920s.

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