A distinctive contemporary practice involving self-control over one’s body is sexual abstinence, whereby individuals voluntarily refrain from engaging in pornography and masturbation for a specific duration. This practice is proliferating on social media not only in the English-speaking world but also in China and Japan. By adopting a spiritual perspective and analyzing the discourse surrounding “ona-kin” (an evolving form of sexual abstinence on Japanese social media) posted on Twitter in Japan from 2007 to 2022, this study reveals three key findings: (1) the bodily experiences resulting from this practice are described using terminologies independent of contemporary scientific knowledge; (2) the concept of “energy,” though invisible and unsupported by mainstream science, is utilized as the central theme and can be physically perceived; and (3) this practice exhibits contradictory traits while remaining consistent with the worldview of spiritual culture. Furthermore, when compared to the female-centric practice of modern yoga, ona-kin is distinguished as a practice that concentrates on the spiritual concept of “energy” to enhance masculinity and seeks to help find a partner, preceding the pursuit of improved partnership through sexual intimacy.

The current estimated population of Indonesian Muslims living in Japan stands at about 86,000. Among Japan’s total Muslim population, which is approximately 230,000, Indonesians constitute the largest group. Moreover, this number has nearly quadrupled over the past decade. Consequently, there has been a notable increase in the endeavors of Indonesian Muslims in Japan to establish organizations and construct mosques. However, prior research on Muslims in Japan has primarily focused on laborers who arrived and settled in Japan around 1990, particularly from West and South Asia. This paper focuses on the Indonesian Muslim population, which has rapidly increased in recent years. The aim is to shed light on the dynamics of mosque construction and organizational development within this community, and to examine the background and characteristics of these initiatives. The establishment of these organizations and mosques not only serves as networks for religious practice and the creation of communal “spaces” but also offers opportunities for engagement with their homeland’s language, information, and culture. Furthermore, the opening of several mosques underscores the fact that different social classes, along with political and social forces within Indonesian society, have assumed ownership of the organizations and mosques.

Rehabilitation and religion have a strong historical relationship. This is because rehabilitation, which involves a change in a person’s inner self, has a certain overlap with religious conversion. Currently, in-prison treatment involves religion as chaplaincy. However, the involvement of religion in the treatment of offenders after they leave prison is still unclear in many respects. This paper focuses on a Christian nonprofit organization (NPO) that provides rehabilitation support for offenders. The NPO’s activities are mainly carried out by a man who was rehabilitated via conversion in prison, and its support activities are based on Christian principles. The survey revealed that at the core of the NPO’s activities is the representative’s view of rehabilitation support for offenders, which sees conversion and rehabilitation as a single experience. On the other hand, the survey also revealed the reality that the NPO responds to its organizational structure, external relations, and activities by flexibly changing the position of religion to suit its target audience and circumstances.

This paper reveals that not only the stone statues of Jizo (Skt. Kṣitigarbha) but also their clothing play an important role in Jizo worship. The author conducted a survey of 784 Jizo statues in the Murayama area of Yamagata Prefecture, Japan, which were dedicated with clothing. In this area, Jizo is worshipped by dedicating clothes to it, even if it has no shape, has lost its head, or is a stone stupa that is not a Jizo at all. Although few records of personal Jizo worship have survived, the dedication of clothing is a glimpse into individual beliefs. The clothing is lost with age so it must then be dedicated anew. The sharing of images of Jizo wearing clothing has given rise to the ritual dedication of new clothing.