In the contemporary period, and as seen in its 2022 ‘National Security Documents’, Japan has not abandoned its ambitions or traditional model to preserve an indigenous defence production capacity, even if accepting the need for significant modifications of its approach. This paper utilises Japan’s case to address the related questions of how ‘tier-two’ states attempt to navigate—effectively or otherwise—approaches for developing an indigenous defence production base, including: exploitation of the interface of domestic civilian and military industrial sectors; selection of key technologies and sectors for prioritisation; and minimising over-dependence on, and linking with, foreign partners for the importation and development of weaponry. Although the paper considers Japan’s defence production ambitions across a full range of weapons platforms and the extent of its model in meeting national strategic and industrial objectives, it places particular focus on examining Japanese interest in fighter plane production from the post-war to the contemporary era and the new Global Combat Air Programme for a sixth-generation fighter—involving Japan, the UK and Italy, and potentially other partners—as an attempt to break into the ‘tier-one’ of arms producers.

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This paper examines British imperial censorship and surveillance and Indian revolutionaries’ military information networks in the early 20th century, with a specific focus on bomb manuals. While earlier studies of censorship in British India have focused on seditious newspapers and literature, this study emphasizes the historical significance of scientific and military publications, which represented the practical side of the revolutionary movement. Following the Manicktollah Bomb Conspiracy in 1908, the Government of India attempted to regulate explosives and seditious publications. However, the liberalism of John Morley, the Secretary of State for India, initially limited censorship to newspapers, thereby allowing bomb manuals to continue flowing into India from abroad. In London, although Scotland Yard, the India Office, and the Government of India monitored the revolutionaries at India House, lack of cooperation prevented systematic intelligence gathering. After the assassination of Curzon Wyllie in July 1909, the Indian revolutionaries evaded the imperial “web of surveillance” by relying on networks of “coolies” (Indian migrant laborers) to smuggle weapons and bomb manuals into India. These military information networks facilitated the attempted assassination of Viceroy Minto and the Nasik Conspiracy in late 1909. While the Indian Press Act of 1910 eventually expanded censorship to include books and foreign mail, the prior dissemination of Western scientific knowledge, including military information such as that found in bomb manuals, ensured the persistence of revolutionary activities.

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This paper reevaluates the evolution of international telecommunications from the mid-19th to early 20th centuries, supplementing traditional political-military narratives through an economic and commercial lens. While history often highlights British imperial strategy, this study emphasises the influence of private operators and the specific needs of commercial users. Focusing on the ‘All-Red Route’ (All-British Cable Network) project, it identifies a disconnect between three key stakeholders: the business community, private operators and the British government. The business sector strongly advocated for nationalisation to lower communication costs and secure real-time market data. Conversely, the British government—despite recognising the network’s strategic weight—remained passive towards state ownership, citing concerns over acquisition costs, operational efficiency and diplomatic friction. The analysis revealed that telecommunications growth was driven by a tug-of-war between private commercial demand and cautious government liberalism rather than a singular national strategy. Ultimately, the British telegraph business remained a largely private sector endeavour at the turn of the century. The author suggests that future studies should delve into industry-specific case studies—such as shipping and finance—and the complex contractual relationships between the state and private firms.

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