This paper examines how Kierkegaard learned "humbling" and "polemics" from Hamann. Following Socrates, Hamann took on a polemical attitude to the Enlightenment philosophers, who were too proud of their knowledge to humble themselves before God and others. Young Kierkegaard learned not only humbling and polemics but also many other things from Hamann. Kierkegaard contrasted religion to philosophy, as Hamann did. Yet, from Kierkegaard's point of view, Hamann's humbling and polemics had gradually turned to be inconsistent with Christianity. Thus Kierkegaard reconsidered Hamann's ideas and tried to relate humbling and polemics more closely to his own idea of true Christianity. The possibility of "stumbling" enabled Kierkegaard to apprehend a dialectical relationship that these two momentums support each other without diminishing either of them. In Kierkegaard's understanding, to follow Christ was both to humble himself and to be polemical to the world. While Hamann's theory of reconciliation responded just passively to the aporia between humbling and polemics, Kierkegaard formed from the humble Christ a life in which humbling and polemics could coexist in a dialectical note.

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In Sein und Zeit (1927) benutzt Heidegger zuweilen die Ausdrucke "primitiv" oder "mythisch". Vor allem betont er in der Sektion 11 die positive Bedeutung eines phanomenologischen Studiums des "primitiven (mythischen) Daseins". Er spricht aber nicht ausfuhrlich uber dieses Problem in Sein und Zeit. Trotzdem behandelt er immer wieder die Seinsweise des mythischen Daseins, vor allem in der Kritik von Cassirers Werks Das mythische Denken (1925) und in den Vorlesungen. Worum geht's dabei in Heideggers Denken? Der Zweck dieser Abhandlung ist es, den Sinn des Mythosproblems fur Heideggers Philosophie aufzuklaren und den Ort dieses Problems in dem Entwurf zur Ausarbeitung von Sein und Zeit festzusetzen. Ich interpretiere erstens die Analyse des mythischen Daseins in der Kritik an Cassierer, zweitens beachte ich den Begriff der "indifferenten Vorhandenheit", der in der Vorlesung des Sommersemesters 1928 behandelt wird. Es kommt ans Licht, dass das mythische Dasein primar durch die "Geworfenheit" bestimmt ist und dass die Transzendenz des Daseins mit dem Mythosproblem zusammenhangt. In der Vorlesung des Winter-semesters 1928/29, worin das Mythosproblem am eingehendsten behandelt ist, sind die Phanomene "Spiel", "Bergung" usw. als der Schlussel des Verstandnis des Mythos aufgenommen und die "Philosophie" wird als "Grund-haltung" in der radikalsten Auseinandersetzung mit der mythischen Weltanschauung betrachtet. Schliesslich versuche ich klar zu machen, dass Heideggers Mythosproblem zum "Metontologie" gehort, die mit der "Fundamentalontologie" die Metaphysik des Daseins konstruiert, wonach letztlich die Vollendung von Sein und Zeit konzipiert ist.

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In Islamic theology "assurance of faith" is the condition for the "assurance of salvation." It is commonly accepted that the Maturidi School on the whole holds this doctrine. However, in the first period of the Maturidi School, they held that the doctrine of "assurance of faith" meant only the duty to believe the truth of the Creed. This stance changed in the theology of 'Abu al-Mu'in al-Nasafi. He emphasized that every muslim must have confidence in his/her own faith. Furthermore, he asserted that faith does not increase or decrease in any sense, while other Maturidi scholars who held the doctrine of "invariability of faith" maintained that the Creed does not increase or decrease and accepted variation in knowledge, conviction, or recognition, which are all aspects of faith. It may be said by considering these two doctrines of "assurance of faith" and the "invariability of faith," 'Abu al-Mu'in al-Nasafi is the first Maturidi scholar who presented a frame of reference for "assurance of salvation" in Islam.

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This paper examines "critical traditionalism," one of the critical theories of Ashis Nandy, within the context of the recent debate about sati, in order to disclose its analytical validity as well as its problems. Sati, the custom of widow-burning on a deceased husband's pyre, is a controversial topic in contemporary India. The incident of 1987, in particular, triggered nationwide demonstrations. Simultaneously, the debate about sati began among Indian intellectuals, on one of the forefronts of which Ashis Nandy has been actively engaged. According to him, although the actual widow-burning must be prohibited, it is also necessary to maintain respect towards women committed to this custom. Because of this argument, the significance of his theory on the debate has been ignored, which has caused misunderstandings of the critical traditionalism which was his unique perspective at that time. The critical traditionalism about sati asserts that sati as a social problem can be resolved by reflecting on "traditional culture"-Nandy's term, useful for the deconstruction of colonialism and modernity in post-colonial India. It is also true, however, that his attempt, to some extent, has not succeeded. Thus this paper points out the certain limits of his argument within the debate on sati, which I argue can be compensated positively by another essay of his from the same period.

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In the midst of globalization, religious traditions are challenged by the relativization of religious values and the predominance of other technically-oriented societal subsystems. All this carries important consequences for the discourse on social ethics in the religious context as well. From the analysis of two distinct areas related to Shin Buddhist social ethics, namely the attitude toward politics and secular education, and toward the relativization of religious values and pluralism, it is possible to trace in contemporary Shin Buddhism the presence of different attitudes toward globalization. On the one hand, there are clear signs that Shin Buddhism at the general level is mainly endorsing the "liberal option" postulated by the sociologist of religion Peter Beyer, which implies a positive attitude towards globalization. This is apparent in the case of the Yasukuni Shrine issue and the revision to the Fundamental Law of Education, in the emphasis on pluralism and peace, and in the capacity to look at the tradition in a critical way. On the other hand, in the case of the critique on "humanism," the process of globalization tends to be seen as a danger to be opposed through the strong reassertion of traditional values.

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Today, it is not rare that the elderly often go to a temple, even though it is said that "Japanese don't like religion." However, it is difficult to find studies accounting for the intimacy between the elderly and Buddhism (or religion in general). Most of the past studies about the elderly and religion have laid emphasis on a propensity for the sacred among the elderly. Why do the elderly go to a temple? What is the attraction for the elderly? In this essay the author will focus on the close relationship between Buddhism in life and elderly women by doing fieldwork in one temple near Fukuoka City which belongs to the Shingon sect of Japanese Buddhism. One possibility to be considered with regard to longevity is that it involves experiences that no one experiences in a previous age. It means that the elderly face more difficulties in their lives, for example, about living, dying, and being enshrined (after death). Praying in the temple allows the elderly women an opportunity to pray for their family, which relates deeply to the formation of their own happiness. Finally, we discover that Buddha's power is needed to be able to solve problems in our life.

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The purpose of this article is to suggest considering "State Shinto" studies as a study of the interrelation between "state" and "shinto." Should Koyasu Nobukuni's research on "State Shinto" studies be evaluated appropriately as a critical analysis? To answer this question, this paper will focus on the concepts of "nation" and "nation state." To date, most "State Shinto" studies have been regarded as a part of the science of religion, and the aspect of political science has been neglected. However, "State Shinto" is a research topic which should also be understood through the category of the "state." From that point of view, the question "What is State Shinto?" needs to be asked along with "What is a state?" In other words, "State Shinto" should be discussed in terms of the interrelation between both questions.

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In this paper, I try to examine the representation of folkloric ritual, focusing on the Take-Kagura handed down in Iwate prefecture, from the viewpoint of ordinary bodily experience. The expression "Yamanokami spreads foods among the people," has been considered to be an idealistic, or spiritual, expression. However, it is fundamentally dependent on an "image scheme of supply," formed through the recurrence of bodily experience of ordinary everyday life. In the bodily/physical experiences of people in the area of Take-Kagura, natural phenomenon as the supplier of food is basically an incomprehensible being. But it is converted into a comprehensible pattern, such as the expression of Kami in the moment of prayer or ritual. On the other hand, the cognitive system for knowing Kami is revitalized through the everyday bodily experience of supplies received from nature and through ritual that expresses the Kami. Therefore the bodily experience of receiving gifts from nature is understood as the "grace of Kami," associated with the feelings of "delight," "thanksgiving," and "closeness."

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