In the study of Communism in Thailand, political behaviour is a more important consideration than ideology. Cultural “change” and “continuity” in a wartime society constitutes an important factor for understanding postwar Communist movements in Thailand. In this article the author presents two theoretical views. Marxist ideology was quite a departure from traditional prewar Thai values, perhaps for this reason, spread more easily among the Chinese and the Vietnamese in Thailand than among the Thai people themselves. In terms of political activity, however, it is possible to delineate three major genealogical lines of Thai Communist movements, related respectively with Chinese, Vietnamese, Lao and Malayans living in the country.
The first line descends from the Indochinese Communist Party of the 1930's in Northeast Thailand, and runs through the wartime anti-Japanese Free Thai movement, the postwar movements of the leftist groups of the Free Thai, the Free Laos, and the Free Khmer, which volunteer munitions support for Viet Minh guerrilla activities and the Northeast Thailand Liberation movement. The second line of descent, in Central Thailand, commences with the Nanyang Communist Party and Siam Communist Party of the prewar period, and continues through the anti-Japanese salvation drive of the Chinese and the Free Thai movement of World far II, as well as with activities of the Chinese Democratic League, the Revolutionary Committee of the Kuomintang and the Central Labour Union of the postwar period. The third genealogical tree, in South Thailand, originates with the prewar anti-government movement of Malayan-Islam, and branches out to include the leadership activities of the Thai Communist Party and Central Labour Union, in addition to the Malayan People's liberation movement, commencing just after the Calcutta Decision in early 1948.
These three lines were linked together by the Central Labour Union and the Constitutional Front, which included the Thai Communist Party and the leftist Free Thai. At the same time, the nationalist movements of the Lao-Thai in the Northeast, of the Chinese-Thai in the Cities of Central Thailand, and of the Malay-Thai in the to a unified Thai movement, accompanied as they were by the development of an assimilation policy, and the diffusion of innovative ideas among the people. Under the anti-Communist policy of the Phibul Cabinet, however, Communist leaders were arrested, executed or forced to flee to China, where they started new movements, such as a Thai people's peace appeal and Thai people's liberation movement under the leadership of Communist Chinese organizations.

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By 1900 most of Southeast Asia had been divided on the major Western powers and each ruling country was establishing its own colonial system. In carrying out research the upsurge of nationalism in Southeast Asia, one cannot overlook the movements of the Chinese residing each country the area during the early decades of the twentieth century. The, fall of the Ch'ing dynasty in 1911 and the emergence of the Republic of China for the first time in its history had a tremendous impact on the Chinese in Southeast Asia. In the first of this two-series article the author tries to investigate the Chinese movement in Java from 1900 to 1906, because this period reveals the Chinese effort of self-adjustment to the rapidly changing situation of colonial Indonesia.
The transition of the Dutch colonial administration from the Liberal to the Ethical Policy at the turn of the century encouraged the improvement of the natives' welfare at the expense of the population of the Chinese descent. Thus, the colonial government decided to abolish totally revenue farming, particulary that of opium sales, hitherto granted to the Chinese, and to tighten their restrictions on residence and travel. In other words, the government tried to divert native frustration and hostility from itself to the Chinese.
This policy affected the wealthy Peranakan or local-born Chinese in general, and the officials of their community in major cities in particular. The officials whose autonomous power had been sanctioned by the colonial authority tried to reverse this trend which came to threaten them after generations of their settlement. Under the influence of Chinese intellectuals in Singapore, they finally reached the conclusion that they should undertake to gain a better understanding of their Indonesian environment while at the same time heightening their sense of “Chineseness” by discarding from their daily lives manifestations of the “inferior” native culture. In so doing they even came to despise the Javanese blood which in many cases was circulating in their own veins.
The year 1900 was an important one in the history of the Chinese movement in Java, for it was that year that the association Tiong Hoa Hwee Koan, commonly abbreviated as THHK, was established in Batavia. The primary purposes of the THHK-Batavia were to revive and spread Confucianism in Chinese communities throughout Java and to purge themselves of Javanese manners and customs. The leaders of the THHK, however, were not China-oriented nationalists. Lie Kim Hok, the ideological leader of the Confucianist revival, was sympathetic to Western ideas. Phoa Keng Hek, the president of THHK-Batavia, directed his efforts toward the advancement of education and the improvement of the status of the Chinese in Java. The leaders of the THHK belonged to the dominant Peranakan Chinese class rather than the poorer Sin-keh or the newcomers. Therefore, the THHK activity can be interpreted as an attempt by the Peranakan Chinese to maintain its predominance in face of the drastic changes then taking place in the Chinese community.
As the THHK increased in its influence, the Ch'ing dynasty became gradually aware of its significance and began giving moral support to the association. The dynasty, on the verge of decline, expected to receive financial support from the Chinese in Java in return. Thus, the interests of both sides coincided, and contacts between them became ever closer. This cooperation accelerated the integration of the Chinese movements hitherto somewhat isolated from each other, and the year 1906 saw the establishment of the Tiong Hoa Tjong Hwee or the all-Java Chinese organization, unifying the THHK-Batavia and those of other major cities of Java.
In the following issue the author intends to discuss the period from 1906 to 1918.

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For the study of the Angkor period, the apex of Cambodian history, one of the most important historical sources is Notes on the Customs of Cambodia (Tchen la fong t'ou ki) by Chou Ta-kuan.
In 1296-1297 Chou Ta-kuan accompanied a Chinese mission which stayed in Cambodia for nearly a year. After returning to China, Chou Ta-kuan wrote the above report. The description of the state of Cambodia in this report, in conjunction with epigraphic material, enables us to understand what the civilization of Angkor was like on the eve of its decline.
In this article the author tries to find the original Cambodian (Khmer) words which are transcribed into Chinese by Chou Ta-kuan in the book cited above. In his study, he makes references to previous attempts by such scholars as P. Pelliot, G. Coedès and E. Aymonier.
The most important results of this study are follows. Concerning local. names, Tch'a-nan is identified with the town of Kompong-Chnang, village of Buddha with Pursat, Mou-leang with Malyan in inscription (southern part of Battambang province) and P'ou-mai with Phimai.
In term describing palace and officials, the word nan-p'ong is identified with néa-moun (Cambodian [=Camb.], officer), tch'en-kia-lan with (rea) chong-kéa-réak (Camb, collaborator near the King), pa-ting with (Ka) mraten (Camb., a title), ngan-ting with (K) am(ra)-ten, ssen-la-ti with sresthin (Sanskrit [=Skt.] chief of Corporation), and mai-tsie with mé-srok (Camb., village chief).
Among the words concerning religion, pan-k'i is identified with pandita (Skt., great person), tch'ou-kou with chao-ku (Siamese, Budhist monk), pa-sseu-wei with tapasvin (Skt., ascetics who worship the linga) and Po-lai with práh (Skt., holy).
As for language and writing, the word ngan-ting-pa-cha is identified with ât-deng-phéa-sa (Camb., do not understand the language), pa-t'o with bei-da (Camb., father, appellation used by the princes), mi with mè (Camb., mother), so with sò (Camb., white), pou-sai with pe (Stieng, numeral) sèh (Camb., horse).
Concerning festivals, the word ya-lie is identified with rap riep (Camb., count) and ngai-lan with ram (Camb., dance).
Among the words concerning ordinary daily life, pao-leng-kia is identified with ranko (Camb., rice), kiao with kajang (Malay, palmfrond roofing), sin-na with sam-pou (Camb., sailing vessel), p'i-lan with baloon (Mahr., boat), sen-mou with samnak (Camb., rest) and san-pa with sam-péah (Camb., salutation).
Generalizing from his analysis, the author points out that the Cambodian language used at the end of the thirteenth century has a strong resemblance to that used at present.

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Since the theory regarding this kingdom was put forward by Mayers in 1875, A. D., according to which Ho-ling is the transcription of Kalinga in South India and showing that the people coming from that region had settled in Java, many scholars have accepted it. In 1964 Damais, who had been trying to prove the new theory by Coedés (proposed in 1948) wrote an article, in which he said that the name of Ho-ling in Chinese is to be transcribed Walai_??_ in Old Javanese found in southen Central Java, and that this state existed as a kingdom from 640 A. D. to 818 A. D. In 1962 Iwamoto wrote an article, in which the name was transcribed as Sailendra.
This writer has drawn following conclusions regarding this problem, 1) that Ho-ling existed from before 640 A. D. to the second half of the ninth century (860-875 A. D.), according to the Hsin T'ang-shu, 2) that Ho-ling was established as a country in before 640 A. D. because it had sent the envoys to China in 647 A. D., 648 A. D., and 666 A. D. which were earlier than the years noted in the book by (_??_ie-dzia_??_) on the country of Srivijaya, 3) that during (Da_??_) period the main harbor was (Kua_??_-tsi_??_u) for plying between China and India or Southeast Asia by ship and then the route was along East of Malay Peninsula and Java, according to some historical sources in Chinese, 4) that Ho-ling is given the names of (Zia²-b'uâ¹) and (Zia¹-b'uâ¹) in the Hsin T'ang-shu and the country of is named (Piu²-ka-liu_??_¹), too, in the Ling-wai-tai-ta and Piu-ka-liu_??_ is written the name of a harbor by way of (Ja_??_gala) at East Java in the (Tao-i-tsa-chik), so Piu-ka-liu_??_ is not a name of country but that of the harbor of Pakalongan in 1817 A. D. at the northern Central Java, 5) that the following word formation and sound changes are conceivable:
luwa_??_>lo_??_→pakalo_??_an
luwa_??_>lwa_??_→kaluwa_??_>kalwa_??_→pakalwa_??_an>pakalo_??_an}>pakalo_??_an
and (xa¹-lia_??_¹) can be interpreted as abbreviation of pakalwa_??_an and identified with kalwa_??_/kalo_??_ in Old Javanese, 6) that Såjåmetå and Tuk Mas inscriptions (undated) are found in northern Central Java; the former is found at the village near Batang which is located at the east of Pekalongan in the present, and these inscriptions are written in one of the variety of Brahmi script which is, however, different from usual script in appearing of new types of letters in cerebral NA/N-and liquid RA/R as shown on the inscriptions of Kedukan Bukit, Talang Tuwå in Sumatra and Hampran, Dinåyå in Java, and 7) that on the inscriptions of Kota Kapur at Bangka and Sañjaya in Java, archaic forms for liquid RA/R- and medial U (suku in Javanese) had been used reguarly, and if it is correct to identify Såjåmertå inscription at the time befor 639 A. D. (of. Nakada, 1973), the family of Selendra inscribed on it had ruled the northern Kedu; also that the amily of Sañjaya settled at the southern Kedu or Prambanan, either from another part of Java or from another land, in 732 A. D. at the latest.

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This article forms the second part of the author's research on years of the Volksraad or the People's Council which was inaugurated in May 1918 as an advisory organ for the Dutch governor-general of Indonesia, then known as the Dutch Indies. Here the author deals with the views and activities of the colonial authorities well as those of the Indonesian political parties both inside and outside the council during the period from April to the end of 1918. The most controversial issue of that year was the November Crisis which threatened both the Netherlands and its colony, and the subsequent far-reaching concessions made by the governor-general of the time, J. P. van Limburg Stirum, contained in what is generally known as the November Declaration.
By way of background, the present article investigates the communications and discussions held between top colonial officials, notably the governor-general and the minister of colonies, Th. B. Pleijte, relating to the future of the colonial administration. The minister, though a member of the Radical Democratic Party, assumed a cautious attitude when it came to granting political freedom to the native population. He asserted that the native population should be entitled to a real parliament with legislative power, but only after training for council management, to be gained through experience at the lower local districts levels, In this respect, therefore, Pleijte hardly different from conservative colonial theorists like. H. Colijn and. A. W. F Idenburg. The latter of whom was to succeed him as minister. The governor-general, on the other hand, was keenly aware of the growing demand for political freedom on the part of the Indonesian organizations, and repeatedly stressed the need for immediate radical organizations, and repeatedly stressed the need for immediate radical reforms. A liberal-minded diplomat by profession, the governor-general was without personal interests in the colonies. Despite the differences of opinion between him and the minister, their friendship for many years had managed to fill the communication and opinion gaps charactaristic of the first months after the inauguration of the Council.
The opposition members of the Council, however, were soon vociferously protesting the unimportant status accorded to the Council in the colonial administration. They succeeded in submitting a motion calling for the enlargement of the competence of the Council, and for the use of Malay as the second official language in the Council. The approval of the last-mentioned motion, accomplished through the legal procedure of voting, considerably annoyed conservative colonial theorists as well as functionary officials in both the homeland and the colony. The governor-general, though remaining unchanged in his resolution to uphold his tolerant policy, was greatly discouraged when Pleijte was replaced by Idenburg as the minister of colonies in the wake of the 1918 general Dutch election in which a coalition government of rightist and moderate parties resulted in Pleijte's party being relegated to the opposition. Idendurg was one of the colocial experts of the Anti-revolutionary Party. Although he showed some sympathy toward promoting the enlightenment of the native population of Indonesia, he was even more sceptical than Pleijte about giving them too much political freedom prematurely. The loss of personal ties between the two highest colonial officials led the governor-general increasingly into state of isolation in which he became more determined than ever to carry out his reforms in his own way.
These communication troubles at the end of World War I drove the colonial society into a temporary state of panic. The revolution which occurred in Germany on the eve of its unconditional surrender to the Allied Powers on November 11, 1918, directly affected the Netherlands. The Dutch Social Democratic Laborers' Party led by P. J. Troelstra demanded that the government yield power.

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