東南アジア -歴史と文化-
Online ISSN : 1883-7557
Print ISSN : 0386-9040
ISSN-L : 0386-9040
2010 巻, 39 号
選択された号の論文の15件中1~15を表示しています
論文
  • ──フィリピン・パラワン族社会における水田稲作農耕の導入から──
    森谷 裕美子
    2010 年 2010 巻 39 号 p. 5-27
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2016/12/14
    ジャーナル フリー

    Cultural conflict occurs when different cultures interact in the context of development; and often times in the case of development aid, the failure to adapt proposed projects to local conditions has exerted unexpected impacts on the host communities. This articles looks into the process involved in the conversion from swidden to irrigated rice cultivation within indigenous communities brought about under development aid programs, and the accompanying socio-cultural problems created in the process, by focusing on the experience of the indigenous peoples in the Palawan Province, the Philippines.

    Palawan is of special concern to the Philippines due to its rapid population growth that has continued since the 1960s, which has severely affected the Province’s indigenous peoples, and their livelihoods. The Palaw’an are indigenous swidden agriculturalists who live in the southern part of the Provinces. Due a rapid acceleration in migration to that region, the Palaw’an have found it increasingly difficult to hold on their resources. Today they are experiencing production problems due to declining soil fertility, and they face extreme poverty. Agricultural Development is a priority in the national government’s agenda to reduce poverty, and irrigation is the key to increasing agricultural productivity there. In Palawan, several irrigation projects were begun through development aid, but the Palaw’an were not the primary beneficiaries since the project were introduced by non-Palaw’an agents. Many Palaw’an still rely on swidden agriculture and supplement their income by hiring out to the farms of migrants at low wages.

    In many cases the implementation of developmental projects has left indigenous peoples as a very disadvantaged sector of local society, due mainly to treatment that ignores their culture and historical distinctiveness. Development aid should be offered to indigenous peoples and other stake holders in a mutually beneficial way.

  • ──オランダ東インド会社との関係をとおして──
    遠藤 正之
    2010 年 2010 巻 39 号 p. 28-51
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2016/12/14
    ジャーナル フリー

    The main objective of this article is to show that Cambodian King Ramadhipati I (r. 1642−58) voluntarily converted to Islam under the circumstances surrounding the development of trade networks by Malay and Muslim Chinese merchants in Cambodia during the 17th century. After the fall of Malacca at the hands of the Portuguese in 1511, Malay and Muslim merchants, in order to evade the high handed trade policy implemented by the Portuguese there, began to look for new entrepôts. During the second half of the 16th century, many Chinese merchants advanced into Southeast Asia after the lifting of maritime bans by the Ming Dynasty. Under such circumstances, Pattani, which was located on the east side of the Malay Peninsula, began to flourish as a trading center from the latter part of the century. Meanwhile, Johor, the successor to the Malacca kingdom, regained its position after the Portuguese destroyed the Aceh navy in 1629 and was able to expand its influence by allying with the Dutch during the 1630s. Pattani and Johor strengthened their relationship through marriage bonds, and Malay trade networks expanded not only around the Gulf of Siam, but also throughout the inland regions of the Mekong River. Beginning in the 1590s at the latest, many Malay merchants traveled to Cambodia and Laos to obtain rice and forest products (deer skins, musk, suppan-wood, lacquer, etc.).

    During the 1630s, the Dutch, who began visiting Cambodia to obtain those same forest products, especially for trade with Japan, and also rice for food, came into conflict with the Portuguese, who were in close association with the contemporary Cambodian king. The Dutch, on the other hand, enjoyed good relations with the Malay and Chinese merchants active in the region, and subsequently were able to expand their trading activities in Cambodia by 1640.

    It was in 1642 that Ramadhipati I ascended the throne and converted to Islam, in order to develop closer ties with the Malay and Chinese merchants, half of latter having become Muslims because of frequent contacts with the Malays. The development of Malay trade networks, the fall of Portuguese Malacca at the hands of the Dutch with assistance from Johor in 1641, and the decline of the importance of the Portuguese and overseas Japanese under a maritime ban induced the Cambodian king to strengthen ties with the Muslims; and this alliance helped to keep Cambodia independent from Ayutthaya.

    Although the relationship between Ramadhipati I and the Dutch deteriorated temporarily during the period 1642−44 over a disagreement about how to deal with the Portuguese in Cambodia, contact was revived due to the Cambodian king’s need of the Dutch in obtaining Indian-made cotton clothing, while for the Dutch, Cambodia was a very important trading partner in obtaining forest products and rice. It was the Malay merchants who mediated between Ramadhipati I and the Dutch. Although the research to date has been inclined to emphasize that the conflict the arose between the king and the Dutch, who endeavored to impose monopoly trade upon Cambodia, led the king to strengthen ties with the Malays and eventually convert to Islam, the Dutch sources suggest that the king generally endeavored to maintain ties with the Dutch through those Malay merchants.

    Cambodian kingship was reinforced by Ramadhipati I’s steps to emphasize the importance of Cambodia’s relationship with the Malays, Chinese and Dutch, enabling it to export more goods than Ayuttaya, especially deer skin and lacquer, during the 1640−50s and play a very important role in connecting the inland regions with the maritime world.

研究ノート
  • ──軍用列車運行予定表の分析──
    柿崎 一郎
    2010 年 2010 巻 39 号 p. 52-85
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2016/12/14
    ジャーナル フリー

    The aim of this article is to describe the characteristics of Japanese military transport on Thai railways during World War II, by analyzing the train schedules now held in the National Archives of Thailand. These schedules contain such data as the number and type of carriages on each train together with their origin and destination for almost every day from the beginning of the War until September 1945. Although the author initially compiled the data from these schedules hoping to grasp the overall volume of Japanese military transport, it soon became evident that the data did not cover all types of activity, because there were not enough train movements from Malaya to Thailand in the schedules. This forced the author to complement the schedules with an analysis of bills for Japanese military transport issued by the Thai railway department. The author divides the war time period into four stages for analysis: 1) front-line-expansion (December 1941-June 1942), 2) construction of the Thai-Burma line (July 1942-October 1943), 3) the opening of the Thai-Burma line (November 1943-December 1944) and 4) network division (January-September 1945).

    During stage 1), the main transport flows were found on two routes: from Bangkok to Malaya via the Southern line and to Phitsanulok or Sawankhalok via the Northern line, corresponding to the Malaya Operation and the Burma Operation, respectively. Other flows originated from Cambodia to the same destinations via the Eastern line and Bangkok. During stage 2), flows from Bangkok to Malaya and from Cambodia to Bangkok still existed, although their volumes were reduced. On the other hand, new flows emerged from either Bangkok or Malaya to the starting point of the Thai-Burma line to supply its construction. Stage 3) experienced an increase in transport due to the opening of Thai-Burma line and the Imphal Operation. Flows to Malaya and the Thai-Burma line still accounted for the majority of the transport, but flows to the Isthmus of Kra and the North also increased to supplement the Thai-Burma line. Finally, during stage 4), transport volume further expanded, while the total distance of transport dramatically dropped, as many lines were halted at several points due to Allied bombing, to the extent that all long-distance transport was suspended, except on the Eastern line.

    The characteristic features of wartime Japanese military transport through Thai railways are threefold: 1) long-distance railway transport as a substitute for maritime transport, 2) supplementary transport to the Burmese front-lines, and 3) the existence of commodity transport unrelated to troop movements. This transport concentrated on supplementing the Burmese front-line rather than transport to Malaya, except during the Malay Operation period. As Japanese forces arrived at Saigon or Singapore for deployment to Burma, military transport on Thai railways became the main form of long-distance “international” movement. Before the War, Thai railways were of little importance as international lines compared to maritime transport. This “international” railway activity, while limited only to military transport, eventually emerged for the first time in Southeast Asia through the creation of “international” rail links with Cambodia and Burma, and a shortage of maritime vessels during wartime. Furthermore, there was a considerable amount of commodity transport apart from troop movements, a fact which has not been sufficiently dealt with in the “official” histories of the War.

  • ──フランス国立海外公文書センター所蔵文書INDO-RSC-00271の分析──
    北川 香子
    2010 年 2010 巻 39 号 p. 86-108
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2016/12/14
    ジャーナル フリー

    The reason why little is known about the social and economical situation of rural Cambodia during the French colonial period is due to a lack of study under the false premise that rural Cambodia was a “pre-literate” society leaving it with no written historical record. In reality, however, the Centre des Archives d’Outre-Mer (CAOM, France) and the National Archives of Cambodia have respectable collections of documents written in the Khmer language as petitions, demands and reports from provincial Cambodia. While this documentation is fragmentary, disconnected and focused on single incidents, it remains very valuable for the vivid images of village life it portrays.

    This article analyses one Khmer document, entitled “Affaires religieuses,” in the possession of CAOM, which contains two requests for permission to build new Buddhist pagodas in Ruessei Srok village, Srey Santhor Province, lists of Thnang Day signatures of the villagers and maps of the sites for the new pagodas. This document gives us important information about the inhabitants, land and landscape of Ruessei Srok, one of the villages called Srok Chamkar along the bank of the Mekong River, during the 1910s. Srok Chamkar means the country of non-paddy fields reclaimed on the banks of major rivers, and lies in contrast to inland Srok Srae, the country of paddy.

    The lists of Thnang Day signatures, containing the names of inhabitants who had agreed to construct the pagodas, are arranged into four groups: 1) high officials, 2) Achars (religious leaders), 3) village minor officials and notables, except Me Khum (village chief) and 4) commoners. The actual leaders of the construction project were the Achars, who then requested the high officials to intermediate between the village and the higher authorities in Phnom Penh through personal connections. Among the commoners, Chinese names are intermingled with Khmer, suggesting that the communities supporting each of pagodas were also ethnically mixed. The names of women were segregated in the lists of signatures, but the names of husbands and wives appear together as land proprietors in the written requests.

    An analysis of the maps attached to the documents enable us to discover that several belts running parallel to the Mekong River represent the land of Srok Chamkar. This way of representing fields on maps is indicative of local practical knowledge accommodating to the features of chamkar parcels, which are limited in width, but variable in length depending on the annual water level of the River. Furthermore, the existence of the text and maps shows that Cambodian rural society was by no means “pre-literate”. A more detailed analysis of the rural documents of Cambodia should lead us to a better understanding of the historical antecedents of colonial Cambodia.

  • ──グローバリゼーションと社会主義ベトナム──
    岡江 恭史
    2010 年 2010 巻 39 号 p. 109-133
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2016/12/14
    ジャーナル フリー

    After many years of negotiation over its accession, Vietnam was eventually admitted to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in November 2006. During that period, Vietnam had to undertake drastic reforms to conform to WTO rules. Does this mean that Vietnam has now abandoned its socialist ideology by conforming to the WTO’s policy of economic globalization? In order to answer this question, the author of this article analyzes Vietnam’s agricultural policy reforms in preparation for WTO accession.

    In seeking conformity, Vietnam had to avoid the use of non-tariff measures, such as import quotas, and was forced to make such “WTO-plus” commitments as avoiding all forms of export subsidies prior to accession. Vietnam has also accepted the designation of a “non-market economy” for up to 12 years after accession, or until it is able to meet the economic criteria to be designated a “market economy.”

    Nevertheless, Vietnam succeed in protecting sensitive agricultural products, like the sugar cane and tobacco grown in less favoured areas inhabited by the poor and ethnic minorities. While Vietnam had to eliminate import restrictions on these products, it was permitted to introduce a tariff rate quota mechanism instead. Finally, rice being Vietnam’s staple food and an important export product, permission was granted to maintain high import tariffs and a state-trading export system for food security purposes.

    The author concludes that Vietnam never ignored the kind of social equity vital to a “socialist-oriented market economy,” the official definition of its current economic system.

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