巻号一覧
35 巻, 5-6 号
(5・6)
選択された号の論文の20件中1～20を表示しています
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増田 四郎原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 459-474,604
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
ジャーナル オープンアクセスRecently, two articles on the ancient German society were translated into Japanese: Max Weber, "Der Streit um den Charakter der altgermanischen Sozialverfassung in der deutschen Literatur des letzen Jahrzehnts," (1905) and H.Dannenbouer, "Adel, Burg und Herrschaft bei den Germanen," (1941). It is the purpose of this paper to state my view on the ancient German society through the comparison of above articles. At the present stage of controversy over the basic social structure of the ancient Germans, it is not important to argue whether we should accept the "Gemeinfreie" theory or the "Grundherr" theory. On this point, a pertinent conclusion was already given by Weber in the aforementioned article. It is, therefore, not correct to assume, though asserted by some scholars, that Dannenbauer tried to restore the simple "Grundherr" theory by laying stress on the aristocratic rule. What he did was to go back to the ancient German society in order to emphasize the origin of aristocracy which, until the French Revolution, existed throughout the European history. However, Dannenbauer did not mention the points emphasized by Weber: the actual operation of the egalitarian principle which had strong influence upon the ancient German society, and, accordingly, the system of field distribution among them. As a result, Dannenbauer's article tells us nothing about the basis of the common people's life. While agreeing with Dannenbauer on the emphasis upon the aristocratic rule, I think it is equally important to analyze the pattern of life among common people which substantiated the ruling. According to Weber, "It was not the position of Grundherr which brought power during the period when there was an abundance of land. On the contrary, it was the nobility of lineage which brought the control over land." Along with the recognition of Weber's statement, it seems necessary to clarify the reason why "Grundherrschaft" was established at a certain period in history-arround the 7th or 8th century, I assume. Considering that the analysis of the above process will put an end to the long controversy, I tried to appraise the meaning of my own study on the Frankish society in the 7th and 8th century.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1359K) -
宮本 又郎原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 475-494,603-60
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
ジャーナル オープンアクセスIt is known that Osaka played a key role in Tokugawa economy. However, until it experienced changes in its nature after the middle of the 17th Century, it had not been the central market fitted to the Bakuhan system. In this paper, I tried to shed more light on the process of establishment of the goods circulation mechanism appropriate to the Bakuhan system by examining the changing nature of rice marchants (most of rice that they disposed of was collected by feudal lords from peasants) and its historical meanings. It has been a rather widely accepted view that the transfer from Samurai to Chonin (commoner) of the function of rice trader under the system of Kurayashiki (Daimyo's Rice Warehouse) meant the establishment of the market governed by officially authorized Osaka merchants. So, it has been a matter of major concern when "Chonin Kuramoto" (commoner keepers under Kurayashiki) emerged. In my opinion, however, all the "Chonin Kuramoto" in the Tokugawa Period did no necessarily play exactly the same economic role throughout the period. In this paper we were concerned not with the time of appearance of "Chonin Kuramoto" as such, but with the changing nature of "Chonin Kuramoto" and with the time of appearance of such "Chonin Kuramoto" that weer fitted to the policies of Tokugawa ruling class. I tried to divide the process of the change of Kuramoto-whether they were Samurai or Chonin-into three phases. The criterion in this division was what position in the rice trade institutions was given to the feudal lords compared with merchants. I emphasized that the relative power of merchants was declining over time and that in the final, third phase, the rice merchants had become mere commission agents of feudal lords; I think that such rice merchants are in fact "Chonin Kuramoto" in the historical sense of the term. Finally, I concluded that the establishment of such "Chonin Kuramoto" system was one of the evidences that the Tokugawa ruilng class had reached the point of virtual control of the circulation network over the country. According to my finding, "Chonin Kuramoto" in this sense seem to have appeared between the Kambun-Empo and the Genroku Era (1663-1703). This conclusion will be consistent with other facts which indicate changes in the nature of Osaka market. I mentioned as examples of such facts two phenomena, the establishment of Osaka wholesale merchants and the financing to lords by merchants in the final parts of the paper.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1753K) -
黒崎 千晴原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 495-515
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (1568K) -
ヤマムラ コーゾー原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 516-543,602-60
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
ジャーナル オープンアクセスWhen and how a unified national capital market emerges are important questions because of the crucial role which mobility of capital plays in the process of economic growth. By tracing the pattern of the development of a unified capital market in Japan for deposit and loan rates by prefecture, this paper will attempt to show that the Japanese capital market had achieved a considerable degree of integration before the turn of the twentieth century. For the thirty-seven year period (1889-1925), both June and December loan and deposit rates for each prefecture were analyzed for inter-prefectural variability. The principal measure used was V which was obtained by dividing the dispersion term (Σ^^n__<i=1>(X_<it>-X^^-_t))/n by X^^-_t, the mean rate in year t. X_<it> is loan (or deposit) rate of i^<th> prefecture in year t. The dispersion term was divided by X^^-_t to reduce the effect of higher variation found among the higher rates. The results of calculations were checked also by the more standard measure of variation, σ/X^^-, and the data was further analyzed by use of simple linear trend lines fitted, for each prefecture, for both loan and deposit rates. The major findings are (i) with respect to dispersion, the Japanese capital market had two distinct stages and the first stage (before the Russo-Japanese War) was characterized by a greater reduction in the inter-prefectural variation of the rates than was observed in the second period (after the Russo-Japanese War); (ii) inter-prefectural variations in deposit rates declined much more quickly than those for loan rates during the firsf stage; and (iii) the interprefectural differentials of the mean rates for both loan and deposit rates require closer examinations of institutional changes and banking practices since there are numerous exceptions to the theoretically expected results. After presenting further analyses of these findings vis-a-vis the changing economic condition of Japan and offering a few hypotheses yet to be tested, the paper presents the following conclusion. The rapid development of the banking system and the significant progress in the process of unifying capital market was an integral part of Japanese industrialization. The sharp declines in the inter-prefectural variation in rates observed at the turn of the century indicate that the preparation for "the accelerated growth of the modern economy" had been completed before 1906. This paper argues that the importance of the development of the banking system for economic growth applies to Japan perhaps even more dramatically than it did to the industrialized nations of the West.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (2363K) -
池田 史郎原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 544-555
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
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角山 栄原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 556-559
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
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入江 節次郎原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 559-562
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (447K) -
北村 次一原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 562-564
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
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西村 孝夫原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 565-567
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
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伝田 功原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 567-571
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
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山本 有造原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 572-574
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
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木田 和雄原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 574-
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
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永原 慶二原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 575-578
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
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豊田 武原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 578-583
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (692K) -
長谷川 彰原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 584-586
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (355K) -
小林 良彰原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 587-591
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
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加藤 幸三郎原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 591-594
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
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星埜 惇原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 594-597
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
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藤原 昭夫原稿種別: 本文
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 597-600
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
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原稿種別: 文献目録等
1970 年 35 巻 5-6 号 p. 601-604
発行日: 1970/03/20
公開日: 2017/08/03
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (188K)
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