In spite of its popularity, there still remain not a few misteries in the Luddism. The author begins his article by criticizing several works on the Luddism. According to his opinion, most of them regard it as a strictly economic phenomenon resulting from replacing human labour by newly invented machinery. The Luddism, therefore, appears to be a reactive movement to them, for it disturbed the economic growth brought by the Industrial Revolution. Those who pay attention just to the Nottingham Luddism, on the contrary, regard it as a progressive movement, for Nottingham Luddites broke old-styled machines, that is, the framework knitting machines for cut-ups. The author rejects both interpretation, because whether the broken machines were new or old is not a conclusive factor in deciding the character of the movement. The conclusive factor is that the Luddism pointed to the " general rising", which should have led to the radical political reform. He analyses Yorkshire Luddism led by dressers in the second section. After considering peculiarities in dressing process, he pays attention to the combination among them, which grew into the Luddites. In conclusion, he puts stress on the following points : (1) the Luddites represented a struggle for a way of life as well as for a standard of life ; (2) they regarded the new industrial capitalist not only as an economic innovator but as a social menace ; (3) their movement, therefore, was supported by many contemporaries as a "moral" and "legal" movement.

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The British wool-textile industry in the late nineteenth century was one of the main sufferers from the impact of foreign tariff barriers. The exports of woollen and worsted goods, especially the mixed cotton warp fabrics on which the Bradford trade had expanded so vigorously earlier in the century, declined considerably both in volume and value. Associated with these growing difficulties in foreign trade, the attitude of wool-textile manufacturers towards the so-called "Fiscal Questions" had changed gradually from the convinced Free Traders to the Protectionists. In this paper the writer attempted to analyse the retaliatory proposals which were displayed by the woollen and worsted witnesses in the Report of the Tariff Commission (1905), and the conclusions are as follows. At the end of the nineteenth century a majority of the British wool-textile manufacturers supported some measure of tariff retaliation, thought they were not necessarily unanimous for their retaliatory intention. These retaliatory proposals can be classified into (a) proposal to regain the import duties, or more exactly to safeguard home and colonial markets and promote inter-imperial trade, and (b) proposal to regain the bargaining power, or rather as a weapon of lowering the protective tariffs of other nations. The former was advocated by the Bradford mixed worsted manufacturers, the latter by such trades as the Huddersfield fine worsted trade, the West of England woollen trade, the Scotch tweed trade, and the export merchants. Thus, these two types of retaliatory proposals lead necessarily to inconsistency because tariff protection and bargaining power were incompatible with each other. In this way we must conclude that although British wool-texilte manufacturers at the end of the nineteenth century departed far from their traditional Free Trade policy, they could not drive forward the Tariff Reform Novement effectively.

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There are many excellent studies on the population statistics in the Tokugawa period, but few on the movement of population in the period. The writer tries to investigate the social movement of population in this paper. Hanakuma village was located between rural area and urban center. This is favorable to his study. He shows some features of labor mobility induced by the demand in urban area and the supply in rural area. Firstly, the population moved from country to town step by step. Secondly, the adoption and the marriage were the principal forms of the movement throughout the period, but the movement in non-kinship form (e. g. migration, abscondence) appeared in some measure in the last days of the Shogunate. Thirdly, there proved to be the adoptive apprenticeship (i. e. to send out a boy to service in the adoptive form). Fourthly, there is a close correlation between the mobility and the holding. Framers under the subsistence level were on the move. Fifthly, the movement of population was made to maintain the family in the direct line. It is significant that most of these features are similar to the Ravenstein's law of migration. He said in his paper that the main factor of migration was the labor demand in the center of commerce and industry. The author concludes that in this district under the late Tokugawa regime there took place the movement of labor force which would occur universally in the Meiji period.

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Many valuable works on social and economic history during the Mughal period have been written recently based mainly on Persian manuscripts and official chronicles supplemented by European sources. In these works, major stress is laid on Northern India, in particular the Doab plains under the direct rule of the Mughal Emperors. But not much attention has been paid to the Hindu chiefs' territories which were autonomous in the Empire. In the Mughal Empire there were very many zamindars of different power and influence ranging from the autonomous chiefs to the small village landlords. The chiefs were officially addressed as 'Rajas', 'Raos', or 'Rais', and so on, according to their ranks. Rajput chiefs of Rajasthan were allowed to rule most of their territories as hereditary fiefs (i. e. watan jagirs) and made vassals of the Mughal Emperors. So in order to have a more complete understanding of the social and economicOhistory of that period, it is essential to explore the actual conditions in the chiefs' territories. An initial research has been started on the social and economic history of Rajasthan by some Indian historians, especially Professor Satish Chandra, Professor G. N. Sharma and Mr. Satya Prakash Gupta, on the basis of original documents written in the local dialects which are in the custody of the Rajasthan State Archives at Bikaner. I am very grateful for the personal guidance and instruction generously granted by these scholars. This paper, as a modest beginning of my work on the Kota State, as a case study of Rajasthan states during the Mughal period and under the British suzereignty, is an attempt to introduce the pargana documents called 'Taqsim' of Samvat 1719 (A. 0. 1662) and to examine their nature and contents. I have also tried to clarify some of the technical terms relating to revenue matters in the documtnts. The word 'Taqsim' means 'share, division, or distribution' and is of Persian origin. These documents were written by the pargana officers called Kanungos and Chaudhris who were asked to submit to the King or government the reports on the scale of land, both cultivated and uncultivated, and revenue figures, and so in the pargana under their charge. In the Gangetic Doab, for instance, which was directly ruled by the Mughal Emperors, similar documents called Taqsim were prepared by the pargana officers, and Dr. Irfan Habib defines such documents as ervenue statistics of the pargana. This paper points out that the Taqsim documents written in the Kota State, however, throws much light not only on the revenue statistics but also on the jagirdari system prevalent in the State. Lastly, technical terms on revenue matters ocurring in these documents are mostly of Persian origin and are the same as those used in Northern India under the Mughal Empire. This clearly shows the strong Mughal impact on the revenue administration of the Kota State and possibly of other Rajput states, too. Though this paper has clarified the meaning of not a few technical term, the apparent similarity of revenue administration between the regions directly ruled by the Mughals and the Kota State, as well as the exact meaning of many other revenue terms used in the documents are important topics which I shall discuss further in the future.

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Der Verfasser hat sich bemuht, die Geschichte der Preuβischen Bankpolitik auf Grund der Materialien vom Staatsarchiv Koblenz und Dusseldorf im Zusammenhang mit der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Geschichte in Preuβens darzustellen. Als Voraussetzung hierzu hat er zunachst versucht, den Carakter des preuβischen staates zu zeigen. Er erblickt, daβ preuβischer Geldumlauf durch den Preuβischen Bank kraftig gefordert wurde, indem der Carakter als Vormund des preuβischen Staates die Errichtung der Privatbanken hemmte. Daher die Preuβischen Bank wurde ihrer Aufgabe voll und ganz gerecht, den Geldumlauf des Landes zu fordern sowie Handel und Gewerbe zu unterstutzen. Die Preuβische Bank sah sich als einziges Kapitalkraftiges Institut in der Lage, sowohl durch bedeutende Ausdehnung ihres Filialnetzes als infolgedessem durch Ansichziehen eines groβen Teiles der umlaufen Wechsel diese ihr zugewiesene Stellung zu befestigen. Preuβische Bank konnte also ihren Notenumlauf entsprechend der Zunahme ihrer Wechsel-und Lombardanlage vergroβern. Auf diese Weise unterstutzte Preuβische Bank Handel und Gewerbe. Das Ergebnis laβt darauf schlieβen, daβ in dem groβen historischen Prozess der Geschichte Deutschlands der preuβischer Staat als Vormund eine wichtige Rolle spielte.

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