SOCIO-ECONOMIC HISTORY
Online ISSN : 2423-9283
Print ISSN : 0038-0113
ISSN-L : 0038-0113
Volume 39, Issue 6
Displaying 1-5 of 5 articles from this issue
  • MAKOTO TERAO
    Article type: Article
    1974 Volume 39 Issue 6 Pages 589-631,708-70
    Published: March 25, 1974
    Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
    JOURNAL OPEN ACCESS
    Was wesentlich den modernen industriellen Stadteraum bestimmt, soll in der Entfaltung der Kapitalischen Betriebsverfassung, deren wichtigstes Merk-mal das System der vertikalen Arbeitsteilung zwischen leitenden Betriebs-fuhrern und ausfuhrenden Betriebsarbeitern ist, gefunden werden. Bei der Betrachtung des werdens solchen Stadteraums muB man deshalb darauf zuerst blicken, woraus und wie beide Gruppen, Betriebsfuhrer und Betriebsarbeiter, gewachsen worden sind. Erst nach dieser essentiellen Analyse kann die interbetriebliche Arbeits-teilungs-, bzw. Marktstruktur in Betracht gezogen werden. Dabei handelt es sich darum, ob sie einen vielfatigen oder einfachen, mit anderen Worten, einen kompetitiven oder monopolistischen Charakter tragt. Auf dieser Ebene der substantiellen Analyse lassen sich wechselbewegungen zwischen den ein-zelnen Betrieben und der gesamten Industrie-, bzw. Marktwirtschaft korrekt erkennen. Was der Stadteraum des Ruhrgebietes betrifft, ist es sehr interessant, einen Kontrast zwischen seinem sudlichen Teil und seinem nordlichen Teil herauszufinden. Im ersteren hat die Betriebsverfassung, verbunden mit der gewerblichen Tradition Westdeutschlands, allmahlich und fruchtbar entwic-kelt, wobei neben groBeren Betrieben zahlreichen mittleren und kleineren Betrieben habe bestehen durfen. Im letzteren hat die Betriebsverfassung auf dem Grund des reichen Vorkommens der Steinkohle so schnell entwickelt, daB beide Gruppen, Betriebsfuhrer und Betriebsarbeiter uberwiegend aus der AuBenwelt herkommt sind. Betriebsfuhrer teils aus Ausland, teils aus West-deutschland im allgemeinen, Betriebsarbeiter hauptsachlich aus den Gebieten ostlich der Elbe. Dazu kommt noch zweites Element in Betracht, wodurch die Stadtraume dieses Bezirks sehr chaotisch, namlich ohne die Stadtkernen gebildet worden sind. Von der Rede ist dabei die monookonomische und monopolistische lndustrie- und Marktstruktur. Dieselbe Tendenz solcher kontrarbewegung laBt sich doch auch bei der soziopolitischen Stadtebiltung in der Zeit finden. Im Suden hat es den Stadtburgern in der zweiten Halfte des vorigen Jahrhunderts gelungen, ihr stadtleben nach einem modernen stadtebau umzugestalten, obwohl die dortige burgerliche Welt, verglichen mit der englischen, bzw. franzosischen, ganz ruckstandig war. Die neue einheitliche Oberschicht, teils Eingesessene, tills Zuwanderer, hat es sich zur Aufgabe gemacht. Im Norden, wo solche pflichteifere oberschicht gefehlt hat, konnten die Stadtburger nur das vollstandige Stadtleben genieBen Wiederholt war dort der Streit zwischen den "Huttenpartei" und der "Burgerpartei", was die gesunde Stadtbildung gehemmt hat. Nicht nur dem Norden, sondern auch dem Suden wurde eine Schranke fur die weitere Entwicklung der Ruhrstadte, erst durch das Erscheinen der Weimarer Republik entnommen, wobei das Dreiklassenwahlrechts der stadt-burger fur die Wahl ihrer Stadtverordneten aufgehoben und das allgemeine Wahlrecht eingefuhrt wurde.
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  • MINORU YASUMOTO
    Article type: Article
    1974 Volume 39 Issue 6 Pages 632-663,707-70
    Published: March 25, 1974
    Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
    JOURNAL OPEN ACCESS
    The chief purpose of this paper is to deduce various demographic indices of the population of an English town, Leeds, during the Industrial Revolution, by making an aggregative analysis of the Parish Registers, and to obtain some general ideas of the relation between urbanization-concentration of population into the urban areas and/or the growth of the urban population-and industrialization. The Parish of Leeds, co-extensive with the Borough, which contained the township of Leeds -' in-town', six extra-urban industrial and four agricultural villages, experienced three sharp rises in the baptisms in 1715, the mid-174O'sand the l770's, while the burials continued to have outnumbered the baptisms until the 1770's. The very existence of the difference in the trends of baptisms and burials between the three distinct areas in the Parish seems to be significant in considering the relation between urbanization, industrialization and population. High birth-rates establisged in the in-town in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, which can be calculated from the number of revised baptisms, James Lucas' survey of population in 1775 and the Census Returns, seem to have been brought about by many factors, such as the lower age at marriage, higher level of marital fertility (baptisms per marriage), higher marriage rates and nuptiality. The proportion of immigration in the gross increase of population, the ratio of extra-parochial marriages and the geographical distribution of immigrants into Leeds in search of marriage partners suggest the following characteristics of migration of population into Leeds; though immigration played a significant role in the growth of population, the geographical extent of immigration was smaller and the rate of self-recruitment of population in Leeds was higher than those in other towns. These peculiar features in the migration of population into Leeds in the latter half of the eighteenth century could possibly be interpreted as the result that population growth had been under wav and there had been sufficient reservoirs of population in and around the in-town of Leeds, before the impact of industrialization was felt. Between 1783 and 1820, the dominant position Leeds had hitherto enjoyed in the Yorkshire woollen industry had gradually been demolished. The 1820's, however, saw the highest rate of population growth the in-town had ever experienced. That the in-town could keep and feed its increasing population from 1820's on may be safely said to be due to a great change of the economy in the in-town which occurred after the 1820's. The town economy broadened to include more diversified trades, having got rid of the dependence almost exclusively on the textile industry, and was provided with the proliferation of labour-intensive handicrafts and small shops, which absorbed the increasing population after the l820's.
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  • YASUMASA MATSUMOTO
    Article type: Article
    1974 Volume 39 Issue 6 Pages 664-681,706-70
    Published: March 25, 1974
    Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
    JOURNAL OPEN ACCESS
    Suburbanization is a process in which urbanism spreads from a town to the neighbouring country. We can list a number of factors making for suburbanization: population growth, prolongation of commuting hours, the availability of capital for development, the widespread acceptance of both the convention of the single family dwelling and the quest for social exclusiveness, the reduction of working hours, relative healthiness of suburban life, the general rise of real income, etc. The writer, in this paper, sketches suburbanization in the light of population change and the development of public transport facilities, for they have been the most remarkable features of the process. And then he points out that there were two ways in the response made by suburban administration. In England there occurred population change among the large cities in the middle of the nineteenth century. It was the population decrease in the central zone of the cities and the spread of the population into suburbs. In the years 1851-91 the population density of the center of Manchester decreased by 58.7 per cent, while the suburban population increased at a much greater rate. The growth of suburbs was due in part to the movement from Manchester, but largely to their own increase in the number of people whose occupations were within the suburb itself to offer routine services for the suburban dwellers. Before the nineteenth century, suburbs had been monopolized by the wealthier class. This monopoly did not survive the advent of public transport facilities which made it possible for the middle classes to live in suburbs. The first horse omnibus service between the center of Manchester and its north-western suburb Pendleton was opened in 1824. But a more drastic change was brought about by the construction of the tramway in 1877. A larger, faster, cheaper, and more extensive transport could be made by means of this tramway. On the other hand, the effect of the railway upon suburban growth was, at least in the course of the nineteenth century, much less than that of the two kinds of the transport facilities mentioned above. This was because the railway fare was too costly for commuters. One of the most striking features of nineteenth century urban England was the deterioration of the environment both in the central cities and in their outer suburbs. Confronted with 'urban problems', local authorities had to rationalize their administrative mechanism. We can see this theme in the response of the local authorities under the Rivers Pollution Act of 1876. While Manchester planned an extensive sewer project which included out-townships, less wealthy suburban townships such as Harpurhey had to ask Manchester to be incorporated with the city under the pressure to construct sewers and sewage disposals. Wealthier and remoter suburbs such as Eccles could, on the contrary, plan and pursue their own sewer schemes. But even in this case it needed much more effective legal power to improve social circumstances. Thus in Eccles the proposed municipal incorporation of the borough received the approval of an overwhelming majority of ratepayers at a meeting in 1890.
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  • Chiharu Kurosaki
    Article type: Article
    1974 Volume 39 Issue 6 Pages 682-701
    Published: March 25, 1974
    Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
    JOURNAL OPEN ACCESS
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  • Article type: Bibliography
    1974 Volume 39 Issue 6 Pages 704-708
    Published: March 25, 1974
    Released on J-STAGE: July 22, 2017
    JOURNAL OPEN ACCESS
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