社会経済史学
Online ISSN : 2423-9283
Print ISSN : 0038-0113
ISSN-L : 0038-0113
42 巻, 6 号
選択された号の論文の11件中1~11を表示しています
  • 有馬 達郎
    原稿種別: 本文
    1977 年 42 巻 6 号 p. 565-588
    発行日: 1977/03/31
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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    The first part of this paper tries to make clear the features of traditional technique which was prevalent in the Russian iron industry in the pre-emancipation period. To attain the above aim the author analyses the cross-section data of iron industry in 1807, 1822, 1837 and 1851 They are given in the form of itemized statistical tables, and call be processed and analyzed from various angles. The processed data indicate some notable features as follows. (1) The iron industry in the first half of the nineteenth century was tremendously stagnant. Its pig-iron output increased only 40 percent. (2) The principal center of iron production was the Urals throughout the period. They gave 80-90 percent of the total pig-iron output. Within the Urals Perm province was the central region of iron production. (3) The increase of iron production was relative not to the number of blast furnances but to their productivity. (4) When all the factories were divided into three groups according to the process, i.e. those with smelting process only, with refining process only and with both of them, a declining tendency was revealed in the third group. These facts suggest the technical difficulties which the iron industry was confronted with. Surprisingly primitive was the technique of both smelting and refining process. The water power which was the principal source of power was unstable and limited because it depended on rivers and precipitation. Pig-iron was smelted exclusively with the aid of charcoal in old-fashioned furnances. Technical backwardness, however, was less conspicuous in smelting process than in refining process, where dominating were the traditional forging hammers which had never undergone any improvement a hundred years theretofore From the viewpoint of technique the author concludes that water power was the most primary among factors which caused the stagnancy of productive force in iron industry. It was not until the employment of steam-engines that furnance fuel was converted from wooden into mineral and furnance scale was expanded remarkably.
  • 石田 譲
    原稿種別: 本文
    1977 年 42 巻 6 号 p. 589-614
    発行日: 1977/03/31
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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    From the second half of the thirteenth century, there was a heavy influx of strangers into London who desired to work there. In the beginning the attitude of the London citizens towards the newcomer was to induce him to obtain the freedom of some raft and to become a citizen, (It was the custom of London to take up citizenship through one of the crafts.) Until the early years of the fourteenth century, in fact, it was easy for the newcomer to follow the trade of a craft as an independent master and to acquire the rights of citizenship by payment of a small sum of money. Soon a separate class of wealthier trading masters arose within many of the crafts. Using the labour of dependent workers, these trading masters made their wares. In order to secure cheap labour, they tried to receive a stranger to the city not as a master but as a serving-man and to force him to remain that status as long as possible. In 1364 the fee for admission to the freedom of the city by redemption was raised to 60 s. or more on the grounds that it was better that those unable to pay this sum should continue to serve others as hired serving-men than that the number of masters should be unduly increased Thus late in the fourteenth century it became difficult for most of the serving-men to obtain the freedom of the city, and consequently the number of the non-citizens supplying the cheap labour for industry increased and they became the lower ranks of London. The increase of the poor non-citizens presented the greater demand for cheap wares-articles of inferior quality and secondhand articles-for their own use. Against the wardens or overseers of crafts whose duty it was to check the quality of wares, the small poorer masters dared to make the articles of inferior quality and to deal in the secondhand articles, while another group of poorer non-citizens who hawked such unapproved wares about the streets came into being. These increasing non-citizens were the very Londoners that Langland described in Piers the Plowman.
  • 安部 悦生
    原稿種別: 本文
    1977 年 42 巻 6 号 p. 615-636
    発行日: 1977/03/31
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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    The Crawshays, one of the greatest ironmasters in South Wales was called "Iron King" in the first half of the nineteenth century. It began, however, to decline in the middle of the same century and finally was merged into Guest Keen and Co. in 1902. Guest Keen developed from the Dowlais Iron Company which was a rival to the Crawshays through the nineteenth century. The aim of this article is to search for the cause of the Crawshays' decline referring to "the Cyfarthfa Papers" (1810-1878) which are preserved in the National Library of Wales. Furthermore, we are going to compare Crawshay with Dowlais. In the last analysis, we intend to show in this study the contrast of profit between the two companies (Crawshay and Dowlais) in 1850's and 1870's. In 1850's, Crawshay made a large profit (e. g., more than 150,000 pounds a year), while Dowlais made a loss. But, in 1870's, Dowlais made a great profit (e. g., more than 250,000 pounds a year), while Crawshay was obliged to suffer a heavy loss. The striking difference came from different attitudes to investment in their own ironworks since 1850's. Crawshay made little investment in his ironworks in spite of having a high rate of profit in 1850's. His way of investment in 1850's was different from those in 1820's, 1830's, and 1840's. An enormous industrial investment was needed to cope with thc drastic change in technology in 1850's and after (for example, there was an invention of a `converter' by Henry Bessemer in 1856). When such an investment was not made, a rate of profit were possibly fated to decrease. In the meanwhile, the Dowlais Iron Company did make a huge investment vigorously under the leadership of excellent managers and realized a large profit in 1870's. Therefore, we can conclude that the difference in industrial investments brought about the contrast of profit between the two companies. Generally speaking, this causal relation suggests that it mattered very much for development or ironworks at alater time whether entrepreneurs invested or not aggressively in their ironworks in 1850's and the succeeding decades. Thus it elucidates the significance of investment in the iron and steel industry in this period. We may find in this connection the reason for the fact that the Dowlais Iron Company has grown to a big company well known as " Guest Keen and Nettlefolds ", while Crawshay was mostly in distress thereafter and was absorbed in Guest Keen in 1902.
  • 正田 健一郎
    原稿種別: 本文
    1977 年 42 巻 6 号 p. 637-639
    発行日: 1977/03/31
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原田 三喜雄
    原稿種別: 本文
    1977 年 42 巻 6 号 p. 640-642
    発行日: 1977/03/31
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 加藤 幸三郎
    原稿種別: 本文
    1977 年 42 巻 6 号 p. 643-645
    発行日: 1977/03/31
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 瀬原 義生
    原稿種別: 本文
    1977 年 42 巻 6 号 p. 645-648
    発行日: 1977/03/31
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 鬼塚 信彦
    原稿種別: 本文
    1977 年 42 巻 6 号 p. 648-651
    発行日: 1977/03/31
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 藤瀬 浩司
    原稿種別: 本文
    1977 年 42 巻 6 号 p. 651-653
    発行日: 1977/03/31
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 目次
    1977 年 42 巻 6 号 p. 659-663
    発行日: 1977/03/31
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 文献目録等
    1977 年 42 巻 6 号 p. 665-668
    発行日: 1977/03/31
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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