Once I pointed out that the complicacy of social movements in nineteenth century England was due to the co-existence of two kinds of workers whose interests were different from each other: factory workers and domestic workers. The former had a tendency to demand the wage increase by way of organized labour movements, and the latter, on the contrary, conducted the campain for a social reform by way of political movements. I tried in this article to look into the localism of the social movements and analyzed the Political Reform Movement of 1832 as an example. I put a stress on the influence of the industrial relations Birmingham metallic industry on both the Movement and T. Attwood's economics, i.e., the leader's thought. I came to the conclusion that the paternal relation between the employers and their employees in the Birmingham metallic industry was reflected in the incompleteness of the Reform. The employees were not so awakened politically as to disclose the employers' hypocrisy. The Birmingham Political Union, therefore, had to be faded away before the appearance of the Chartist Movement.

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Raw material used in Tatara Iron Industry is the sspecial iron sand called Masa or Akome. Charcoal Ozumi is used as fuel in the Tatara furnace. The total amount of iron sand and charcoal consumed per Hitoyo (one process of work) is about 15t. respectively. In Kondo Tatara Factory (8 factories in all), the total amount of charcoal used in a year is about 8,000t. Such a great amount of charcoal is obtained from the natural forest called Tetsuzan. Tetsuzan is classified into the following two types according to forest holding: (1) Self-owned Tetsuzan: The forest is owned by the Tatara enterpriser. (2) Others-owned Tetsuzan: The forest is owned by others and standing timbers are only purchased by the enterpriser. Again this type is classified into two types (1st type and 2nd type). The purpose of this article is to analyze the structure of Tetsuzan utilization, in order to illuminate the following problems: (1) The function of Tetsuzan in production system of Tatara Iron Industry. (2) The formative process of Tetsuzan holding. (3) The process of division of the community-owned forest. In the study made above, especially by analyzing the others-owned Tetsuzan (2nd type), and following have been made clear: (1) When the factory is located in the community-owned forest and settles there for a long time, the enterpriser's right becomes stronger. (2) The development of Tatara Iron Industry in the community-owned forest, causes the forest itself to go through the process of division in time and the enterpriser to obtain a part of ownership of the forest. Hence the jointly-owned forest of both the enterpriser and the community.

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Cet article vise a reconsiderer le patriciat tournaisien a l'epoque de la naissance de la commune, en faisant porter notre recherche sur les caracteres des Hommes de Sainte Marie, hommes de l'Eglise de Notre-Dame a Tournai, qui forment un groupe social privilegie et dirigeant la conmune au debut. En plus, nous esperons aussi apporter quelque lumiere sur les origines particiennes, auxquelles on n'a pas suffisamment donner d'attention, jusqu'A present, a l'epoque anterieure a l'apparition de leurs familles: et, apporter quelque lumiere egalement sur le caractere indigene ou regional de la ville medievale occidentale qu'ont commence a remarquer quelques medievistes, comme G. Despy surtout. Tout d'abord juridiquement, les Hommes de Sainte Marie se vouent a la Vierge pour conserver leur liberte personnelle innee ou aquise, et, jouissent de la protection de l'eglise, moyennant le payement du cens capital dit cavagium comme contre-partie. On pourrait dire donc que leur liberte protegee par l'Eglise et leur dependance vis-a-vis de l'Eglise sont liees etroitement l'une a l'autre; on remarquera plus tard le meme etat de chost dans leurs conditions sociales ou economiques. Les Hommes de Sainte Marie, dont les premiers membres se composent des cives qui sont rapatries de Noyon a Tournai vers le debut de 10^e siecle, et, des milites ingenui qui sont arrives dans cette ville avec l'eveque Fulcher en 954, sont a la fois proprietaires fonciers et commercants s'occupant du commerce local autant que de celui a longue distance. Leurs situations economiques les ont amenes a monopoliser les postes d'echevin qui dependent de l'Eglise de Notre-Dame, et, a se faire octroyer l'exemption des tonlieux. Mais on pourrait remarquer, dans ce cas, que ces privileges sont toujours conditionnes par la qualite des Hommes de Sainte Marie, c-a-d. par la sujetion a l'Eglise. Si nous regardons leurs rapports avec les couches dominantes ou avec les autres habitants de la ville, nous pouvons voir qu'ils occupent divers offices domaniaux, seigneuriaux ou bien feodaux ches les seigneurs regionaux, qu'ls conduisent leurs membres dans les etablissements religieux, et qu'ils participent au systeme administratif urbain de l'eveque, comme on le constate explicitement dans le cas de la famille de le Vigne; parallelement, ils sont en rapport etroit, particulierement par les interets economiques, avec des bourgeois inferieurs ou avec des habitants ruraux des environs de Tournai. Le caractere local, seigneurial ou feodal des Hommes de Sainte Marie qu'on vient de montrer, nous donneraient, assez de raisons pour critiquer les opinions de H.Pirenne concernant la formation de la ville medievale. Cependant, ce qu'or doit souligner a propos de notre sujet, ce serait les deux points suivants : premierement, tont en ayant contribue certainement a etablir les libertes bourgeoises, les privileges des Hommes de Sainte Marie se sont en fait appuyees sur les relations dependantes ou synallagmatiques avec l'Eglise. En d'autres termes, leur statut juridique, economique et social montre les deux aspects de "liberte et dependance": deuxiemement, tout en gardant des rapports cooperatifs avec les gens qui ne font pas partie des Hommes de Saite Marie, ils continuent en meme temps a se lier aux couches dominantes feodales, meme apres la formation de la commune. Ces deux aspects ne se sont point en contradiction, ou plutot, les Hommes de Sainte Marie ont etabli leur puissance, en ayant des rapports equilibres avec ces deux groupes qui soit s'opposent soit s'arranget. Nous voudrions ajouter en dernier lieu qu'il nous apparait que les caracteres mentionnes ci-dessus des Hommes de Sainte Marie resident aussi dans ceux de la ville medievale occidentale qui essayait, par l'intermediaire de la commune, a se fixer dans la societe feodale.

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This is a preparatory study for socio-economic history of West Sumatra of Indonesia. West Sumatra constitutes the largest matrilineal society which still exists in the world. The West Sumatran village (nagari) is known to have been highly autonomous, perhaps in more perfect form than any other type of Indonesian villages, at least in the Dutch colonial period. The autonomy was supported mainly by its distinctive land system and the village treasury system. The land system nagari is of great interest because of strong village disposal right (hak ulayat), the existence of clan land (tanah suku), and the communal land ownership by matrilineal extended family, all of which are observable to some extent even now. The present study attempts to understand the origin of those features of the land system in relation to the proceeds of nagari formation by using about 100 folk stories of village history. There were two ways to establish a new nagari; one being the establishment of nagari outside the mother nagari, and the other being the split of mother nagari. In either case communities of new settlement developed from taratak, through dusun and koto to nagari at the apex, the settlement was organized by clan (not a genealogical unit but an exogamy group), and members of the same clan lived side by side forming a vague territorial boundary. Only when the new community developed into koto, the residents could install their own chief and disposal rights over the clan land, until which stages they were under the control of mother nagari. When a nagari was finally established all the clan lands were put together resulting in the formation of a village territory; and the land rights of each clan over clan land was partially absorbed by the nagari. In this way the nagari, as a legal personality, came to have the highest disposal right over all its territory on the one hand, and each clan retained secondary land rights in the form of clan land. However, the substance of clan land have been fading away in the course of historical processes. The nagari levied quite a large number of customary dues (isi adat) both upon villagers and nutsiders. Most of the dues were enjoyed by chiefs (penghulus), but part of them were deposited in the village treasury. The dues can be divided into five categories: (1) dues related to the hak ulayat: (2) dues on commercial activities; (3) social dues; (4) Islamic dues; and (5) occasional contributions for public purposes of nagari. Based on the strong village territorial right and the treasury, the nagari appeared to be something like a 'village republic' until relatively recent times.

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