In the society which is too quantitatively minded, humanity is apt to be disregarded. Many of the researches of social and economic history in Japan belong mainly to institutional and mechanical characters of the social and economic phenomena, and only a very few to "an acting human being", namely the living subject of history, who makes up social and economic phenomena. The "Annales" school in France is well representative of a historiography which keeps the accent on a human being. After the second world war, Fernando Braudel made a new start of the "Annales", inheriting the spirits of the founders Marc Bloch and Lucien Febvre and being based on a new humanism. He introduced the conceptions of "structure" and "duree" to understand the masses in dynamic conditions. This school makes full use of "series", in order to analyse functionally the parts of the structures. Further, the "Annales" pays a special attention on both mental and material circumstances of the subject of history: on one hand mentality, on the other hand food, clothing and housing. According to the Annalistes' attitudes and methods of social and economic historical studies on a human being, the following papers are composed.

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The very paper read at the national conference of Socio-Economic History Society of May, 1978, was already published at a periodical Shiso, No. 647, with the title of "Economic Anthropology and Economic History'. Therefore this newly writtem essay presents firstly economic anthropologists' radical concepts related to the origins of economic institutions, and secondly their comments on Marxist conception of history, as a complement to the above-mentioned paper. Polanyi, the founder of new economic anthropology, asserts that trade, money and market have their separate origins. Some forms of trade and various money uses gain great importance in economic life, independent of and precedent to markets. Even where market elements are presents, they do not necessarily involve the existence of a supply-demand price mechanism. Prices (equivalencies) are originally set by tradition, and their change, if it occurs, is brought about by such institutional means, not by market methods. Polanyist's (substantivist's) views naturally leads us to the position critical against Marxist economic history. We indicate that the substructure of society, production style, should not be purely materialistic, but just epistemological. Relating to this, a French Marxist, Louis Althusser's understanding about it and history can be regarded as thoughts with some same base as ours. Materialistic conception should be epistemological, if it is to try to keep valid.

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No other group of scholars in this century has made a more valuable contribution to historiography and historical method than the Annales School. The notion of global history aimed at by the Annales School has largely influenced Eurorean and American historians. However, in the nineteen-fifties, epistemological reconsideration and functional-structural conception of history gave rise to the quantitative method and a serial history. In this essay, giving a general view of the development of the serial history and accounting for its limits, we treated of its bearing to the total quantitative economic history (adaptation of a national accounting to the historical period) and the problem of a conflict between the serial history and the historical analysis of the society as a whole.

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Clothing habits are one of fundamental fields of material life. At the Same time clothes embody characters of men and women, who wear them, and of the time, when they live, whether consciously or unconsciously. Thus clothes are the synthetic products of ap articular society in a particular time. Namely clothes are influenced by natural, economic, social, political, cultural and mental factors of that society. On the other hand, clothes in their turn, have some influence on these factors. Therefore clothes cannot be thought without relauion to life. To comprehend clothes in such an inclusive and historical way is to pursuit historical roles which clothes played and have played in an sctual daily life. So, in this paper the writer tries to understand the historical meanings of the clothes and clothing habits of fourteenth and fifteenth centuries France, according the method of Annales school.

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The purpose of this paper is to make some remarks on the task and method of the history of diet and to present an example of a diet in Provence, a region of southern France, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Food is not only the physiological basis of man's existence, but also a daily expression of a society's culture, in which are reflected economic, social, cultural, climatic conditions of life. So a historical study of diet must analyze a daily diet of people in the context of the living conditions, investigating in diverse aspects its "regime alimentaire". As for the method, three lines of approach may be considered: sociological (psycho-sociological), economic and nutritional approach. In the first approach, one may consider a diet in (psycho-sociological) aspects such as values and symbols of food, racial likes and disliles, table manners, differences of eating habits according to social groups, etc. In the economic approach, one may know how much food wnuld be in disposal of the people in a place, referring to the conditions of production and trade; on the other hand, one will analyze food consumption in terms of domestic economy. In the third approach, one reveals the nutritional characteristics of the "regime alimentaire" and analyzes the effects which it will have on man's health. Combining these three approaches, one can understand the conditions of food life. In this perspective, a case of Provence in the late Middle Ages is studied. First, one considers meat supply and consumption of a city; then a diet of a family and the "regime alimentaire" are referred to in relation to the meat consumption. Finally, this paper points out some characteristics of a medieval diet in Provence.

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When one speaks of the historical study of social structures, mass consciousness and ways of life become an important question. In the life of people they are the basis of the structure, and there are spheres that are little affected by economic and political change. The writer considers Miyaza and the traditional agricultural community from this point of view. Miyaza is variously called 'za' or 'koh' indifferent places; we use the term 'miyaza' for all such organizations. It is an organization centered on a shrine whose members have special religious, political social and economic privileges and which dominates the village community. Miyaza, which first appeared in medieval feudal society, continued to be in the Edo period and after the Meiji Restoration. Even in modern villages miyaza have survived, through the period of rapid economic growth, on the occasions of ceremonies and in consciousness, especially in villages on the outskirts of cities in the Kinki district. Miyaza, however, responding slowly to changes in the villages accompanied with economic development, have experienced changes in their traditional structure. Special privileges have been lost, and the surviving miyaza have taken on either a secular or an inclusive ceremonial form. We first consider the historical position to be assigned to miyaza. Contrary to views that characterize miyaza as either medieval or early modern (Edo), we regard the institution as essential feudal, as well as medieval and early modern. They first appeared at the end of the 11th century; during the 14th century they spread to regions outside the Kinki such as Chuugoku, and Hokuriku. In the 15th century the geographic scope of the institution continued to widen until they encompassed Chuubu, Kanto, and Too-hoku. The 16th century saw a great increase in the number of miyaza and their continued spread. Secondly, we take up the social and economic background of the formation of miyaza. Miyaza was a necessary instrument for the controi of water and common iand by dominant farmers where feudai iords' power did not extend to these matters. This is the reason that most of miyaza were formed during the period when shoen were disintegrating. However in places where people were thinly scattered there was little need for common control of water and no need for miyaza. On the other hand where there was danse settlement, common use of water and mountain land was usual, and miyaza developed as a necessary organ of control. Looked at from the viewpoint of power, miyaza where necessary in village communities in which the power of leading peasants was weak. In this case the economic costs of controlling water and mountain land were too great to be under- taken by them alone. That is to say, from another point of view, the power of the ordinary peasant was great and direct control over them impossible. Thus it is that miyaza are rare in eastern Japan but wide- spread in western Japan, where agriculture was technically highly developed, where dependent peasants achieved independence, where in-migration was possible, and where the common use of water and mountain land expanded. As for typology, we may speak of a shoen-type of miyaza that originated in shoen ; a village-type of miyaza that originated in the village; and a mixed type combining these two. Of the two basic types the shoen-type is the more medieval. Miyaza is the heart of a village community where it exists, and we can observe some village communities based on it and other village communities free of it.

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