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45 巻, 1 号
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老川 慶喜原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 1 号 p. 1-30
発行日: 1979/06/30
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスUntil recently, the sphere of railway history has relatively been neglected in the studies of socio-economic history in Japan. In these circumstances, the round symposium entitled "A problem of industrial revolution and railway mainly in Germany and Great Britain" was held by the Learned Society of Transportation History in 1964. At this symposium, a new point of view on the study of railway history in Japan was presented to its participants. They attached much importance to the relation between market structure and construction of railway networks. This theme was, however scarcely taken into consideration in the study of Japanese railway history at that time. It is a well known fact that the construction of railway networks in Japan was promoted through the policy of industrialization drived by Meiji Government. At the beginning of Meiji era, the Government licensed establishments of Nihon Railway Oampany (Ueno-Maebashi, Ueno-Aomori), Kohfu Railway Company (Shinjuku-Hachiooji) and others in Kanto province. All of their lines were converged in Tokyo and got into a concrete shape as the base of the railway networks. In such a course of constructing railway networks, several railways whose lines were destined to traverse local towns-for example, Kitasaitama Railway Company and Tone Railway Company-were planned in the middle of 1890's. The line of Kitasstama Railway Company was expected to connect Kumagaya (Takasaki line) to Kurihashi (Tohoku line), crossing Gyoda, Ha-nyu and Fudoh-oka, at the district of Kitasaitama in Saitama prefecture. This district was well known as a region of cotton industry (aojima and tabi) in these days. The author of this article intends to bring out a feature of market structure in 1890's, analyzinag the course of constructing railway networks in the district of Kitasaitama. Firstly, he tries to analyze the development of the production of commodities and the transportation in this district from late 1880's to early 1890'. Secondly, he attempts to analyze the project of Kitasaitama Railway Company. According to the document entitled "The entreaty for the construction of Kumagaya-Kurihashi Railway" (1897), this railway was mainly to bc utilized for conveying tabi, aojima (cotton fabrics) and so on. Therefore, both manufacturers and small tradesmen of tabi and aojima in this district earnestly encouraged the company to construct the railway. But their efforts were vain, for the company was not able to construct the lines at all. This might help us get a glimpse of some of the features of the process of railway network constraction in Japan.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (2477K) -
内山 雅生原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 1 号 p. 31-56
発行日: 1979/06/30
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスVarious Ti-fang-chih, newspapers, and researches into the early republican era of China show that, in the beginning of the 20th century, the farm products of Shantung Province were rapidly transformed from wheat, soybeans, and sorghum into cash-crops: tabacco, peanuts, and cotton. And, in 1910's, and 1920's, it has been held, the forced cultivation of the cash-crops upon the peasantry hindered development of capitalistic agricultural production there. Criticizing the common view mentioned above, Mr.Koichi Yoshida, in his article, "The Chinese Tabacco Cultivation in Shantung Province of the early 20th Century" (The Bulletin of the Faculty of Education, Shizuoka Univ., Liberal Arts and Social Sciences, Series, No. 28, 1977), insists that the management of those who cultivated the cash-crops was not a poverty-management, but an almost capitalistic management centering on the tobacco cultivation. I do not agree either to the common view or to Mr.Yoshida's opinion, because both of them treat only one side of the agricultural management in modern China. My proposition, derived from the results of various investigations, is as follows: in the villages of modern China, the factors toward and against capitalistic agricultural management are complicatedly related; and the two sides of opposition to and dependence on it can be seen in the agricultural management at this time. Trying to prove the proposition, I deal with the following three points: 1. Beginning and Progress of the Tobacco Cultivation in Modern China. 2. Its actual conditions in Shantung Province. 3. Activities of British-American Tobacco Campany China and of Commercial Capital in China. As materials for this paper, I use various researches made by Japanese in 1930's and 1940's as well as the results of the investigations of Chinese villages made by Japanese in 1910's and the investigation by Chen Han-Seng in 1930's (Industrial Capital and Chinese Peasant, Kelly and Walsh, Limited, 1939 ).抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (2135K) -
徳島 達朗原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 1 号 p. 57-76
発行日: 1979/06/30
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスThe first who discussed the slavery in the British Economic History was Eric Williams (Capitalism and Slavery). His thesis was examined by S.L.Engerman at the New Economic History Conference in 1972 (The Slave and British Capital Formation in the Eighteenth Century: A Comment on the Williams' Thesis). Engerman negated the profitability of the Atlantic Slave Trade in his report. Originally the basis of quantitative grasp about the Slave Trade was built by Philip D. Curtin. His estimation methods are as follows. One method begins with import estimates from the Americas, translated into export figures by reference to an expected loss in transit. A second is based on shipping data, either for all British shipping sailing for Africa or for a particular port, incorporating in the calculation an estimate of that port's share of the total British slave trade. A third possibility is to work from the value of British exports to Africa and the ordinary price of slaves on the African coast at a particular time. Of these, the third is perhaps the most difficult and uncertain. But a valuable study about the slave price series has been presented in Richard Nelson Bean's The British Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade 1650-1775. He says in it, "The purpose of this dissertation is to provide the necessary basis for an economic study of the British African Slave Trade. Prior to this study any such attempt was frustrated by the near-total absence of price and quantity information about the slave trade. The first tasks of this dissertation are to present a price series for slaves in the British West Indies and to refine recently published estimates of the quantity of slaves exported from Africa to the New World. "But there are important questions. They are 'assorting goods' and 'trade ounce', and they have a connection with the slave prices. English marchants offered various assorting goods for an African slave offered as goods. These are called 'assorting goods'. In pricing their assorting goods English merchants did twice as much as the current prices. The prices thus marked up beforehand were not called 'gold ounce' but 'trade ounce'. But neither in Curtin's estimates nor in Engerman's discussion about the profitability in the slave trade are these facts considered. In this paper, I consider the questions, 'assorting goods' and 'trade ounce', by using R.N.Bean's price series, and discuss the formation of slave prices and their series as an aspect of the Atlantic slave trade, and study Engerman's discussion on its profitability.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1321K) -
松浦 章原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 1 号 p. 77-95
発行日: 1979/06/30
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスThe Chinese consignors consisted of two type merchants in Sino-Japanese trade after the middle of the 18th century. One type was the official marchant (官商), and the other was the private merchant (民商). The former was designated by the Ch'ing goverment, and they were alternated one after another by the government. For example, their names were the Fan family (苑氏), the Wanu family (王氏), the Ch'ien family (銭氏) and the Wang family (王氏) and so on. The members of the Fan family who were designated by the government were Fan yu bin (茫毓〓), his second son Fan qing zhu (苑清注), his eldest son Fan qing hong (范清洪) and his nephew Fan qing ji (范清済). The Fan family had been recognized merchants of Ch'ing government since his grandfather's time. He was in trade of salt, ginsengs, copper and rice and so on. His grandfather and he made a fortune by transporting the munitions of Ch'ing's army for Ch'ing-Jun Ghar war. The latter which was designated by the Ch'ing government in 1714 consisted of twelve merchants. They were called "Ju-ni-ka (十二家)" in Japan, and in China they were named Gong-ju (公局) and E-shang (額商) and so on. They decreased in number into seven about 1780, but even after that in Japan they continued to be called "Ju-ni-ka". And after the 1790's the private consignor who was designated by the Ch'ing government was only one. In about 1780 their names were Shen yun shan (沈雲贍), Wang lu jie (王履階), Gao shan hui (高山輝), Wu you guang (呉有光), Yu kuai shi (兪会時), Yang yue huai (楊岳懐) and Wu ming luan (呉鳴鸞). Two of them, Wang lu jie and Gao shan hui, visited Nagasaki (長崎) in the Ch'ien-lung (乾隆) era. Evidently, Wang lu jie became the official merchant in 1796. Some of them settled in Soochow (蘇州). This was a cultural, political, and economic center in the Chiang-nan (江南). And this city was near Cha-p'u (乍浦) of Che chiang-sheng (浙江省), the central port of Sino-Japanese trade. Therefore, it was easy for them to collect cargos and put all trade goods on the market. And as they used their jin-ren (家人) or Ya-hang (牙行) of Cha-p'u in business transactions of the trade, the consignors could remain mere investors of trading capital. After the forces of T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo (太平天国) attacked Soochow and Cha-p'u in June 1860, the consignors could not maintain usual way of business and they had the misfortune to be ruined. And the Sino-Japanese trade ended in 1861.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1562K) -
今田 洋三原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 1 号 p. 96-98
発行日: 1979/06/30
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (334K) -
丹羽 邦男原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 1 号 p. 98-101
発行日: 1979/06/30
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (446K) -
浜林 正夫原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 1 号 p. 101-104
発行日: 1979/06/30
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (402K) -
原稿種別: 文献目録等
1979 年 45 巻 1 号 p. 108-112
発行日: 1979/06/30
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (248K)
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