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46 巻, 2 号
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大塚 久雄原稿種別: 本文
1980 年 46 巻 2 号 p. 119-136,242-24
発行日: 1980/07/25
公開日: 2017/11/24
ジャーナル オープンアクセス1) This paper reviews how I formulated my thought and attempted the positivisitic study of modern economic history based on the work of European scholars. My efforts took place under a decisively unfavorable academic environment between 1930, when I first set out with this task, and around 1950. 2) The classic theory of the development of modern capitalisn, no doubt influenced by the German Neo-Historical School, accounted for the rise of industrialism in Europe by the process of commercialization in which merchants played the principal role. This view gradually lost its dominance in the l920's under a heavy barrage of empirical criticism, and by the early l930's emerging alternative theories were beginning to be formulated by Postan and Kosminsky among others. Despite this, however, one of the pillars of the earlier theory i. e. the view that the "putting-out system" (or "Verlagssystem") of merchants was the precursor of the modern factory system, retained its strength. 3) At that time I held strong reservations concerning the validity of this still widely accepted aspect of the classic theory. From the viewpoint of comparative history, even though the "putting-out system" was widely diffused throughout Europe, the actual beginnings of modern industrialism were confined largely to England and the southern part of the Low Countries during the 16th and 17th centuries. At this time these areas were characterized by a thriving rural industry which was apparently undermining the dominance of the putters-out. 4) I accordingly attempted to formulate a working hypothesis and reorganized the available historical data along the following line : Rural industry spread to various parts of England from the latter half of the 14th century, and as all sorts of craftsmen and peasants started intra-local exchanges of goods, a prospering home market developed which gradually came to form a national economy. I saw this as precisely the historical configuration out of which modern industrialism (and industrial entrepreneurs) grew. It did not emerge hand in hand with the "putting-out system" but rather in contention with it.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1594K) -
古内 博行原稿種別: 本文
1980 年 46 巻 2 号 p. 137-161,241-24
発行日: 1980/07/25
公開日: 2017/11/24
ジャーナル オープンアクセスThe purpose of this paper is to elucidate the development of German agricultural policy with reference to the situation of Germman agriculture in the Weimar period. As is well known, the extension of the Nazi mass movement could be accomplished by the breakthrough in the rural area and the strong support of the peasantry for the Nazis since 1930. Therefore, the analysis of the agricultural policy in this period will suggest us a salient background of the generation of Nazism. The objective of the agricultural policy in 1924-1928 was concentrated on the intensification of the agricultural productivity from the viewpoint of raising the degree of the self-sufficiency. Along this line, the measure of protective tariffs was taken against foreign agriculture in the same way in the prewar period, But its contents changed a little : under the violence of the competition between German and other European animal husbandry, not only the protection of the grain (especially, rye), but also the protection of the animal husbandry came to be inevitable. Though the animal husbandry became protected to some extent, the agricultural policy in 1924-1928 basically remained propitious to the protection of the grain (=Junker). which became more and more apparent in 1929-1932. Moreover, it generally remained regardless of the problem of the sale for animal and dairy products and of the standardization of them, too. As a result, the agricultural policy in 1924-1928 hindered the possible development of the animal husbandry. The crisis of the animal husbandry in 1927/1928 made clear the lack of the proper agricultural policy for it. Neverthless, as the situation of Junker-farming had become more and more serious since 1929, the agricultural policy turned to the entire state intervention in the agriculture in order to maintain the socio-economic and political existence of Junker. Thus, all possible measures were taken for the protection of the grain (=junker-farming). Indeed, these measures which showed favor to Junker obviously promoted and fixed the anti Weimar inclination of the peasantry. In the meanwhile, these measures could not sufficiently raise the prices of rye and potato, so they could not satisfy Junket, either. In addition, land settlement was advanced on a large scale and became at variance with the rescue financing in Osthilfe, because it became promotive the land reform which historically remained undone in Eastern Germany. Accordingly the crisis of Junker was transformed into the crisis of Junker-estate. In this way, the agricultural policy in the Weimar period was confronted with the hostility of all agricultural interests and completely came to a deadlock completely. Above all, it promoted the vehement political mobilization of the peasantry and prepared for the way of the Nazification of it in Northern and Eastern Germany.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (2216K) -
田中 恭子原稿種別: 本文
1980 年 46 巻 2 号 p. 162-180,240-23
発行日: 1980/07/25
公開日: 2017/11/24
ジャーナル オープンアクセスAfter the wer against Japan, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) gradually turned its moderate rent reduction policy back to one of land reform. The 1947 General Rules of Land Law marked the height of radicalism in the Party's postwar agrarian policy with the principles of equal distribution of land and power among the poor peasants. The General Rules provided for a takeover of all land in the village by the peasants' association and its equal per capita distribution to all the villagers regardless of age, sex and former land-ownership. The peasants' association led by the poop peasants' league was to carry out land reform. The peasants were to exercise the "democratic right and powers" to criticize, impeach, dismiss and elect cadres of all the organizations at all levels. The principles derived from CCP leaders' evaluation of the preceding land reform. They regarded it as a failure on the ground that many poor peasants still remained poor, having gained little from the two-year reform. Cadres of many villages reported completion of land reform, as they recognized that the landlord class had been wiped out and there was no more land to distribute. Preoccupied with meeting every poor peasant's demand for land in order to win his active support for war effort, CCP leaders and higher officials intended to prevent village cadres from conspiring with landlords and rich peasants to hinder further reform by hiding their property. The General Rules of Land Law was designed to smash their conspiracy by absolute equalization of land holdings and depriving village cadres of power to carry out land reform. In reality, however, the fundamental reason for many poor peasants remaining poor even after the land reform was the low landpopulation ratio in North China where the Communist base areas were concentrated. Equal per capita distribution of land was to make every peasant a poor peasant having no surplus to invest for production increase, which would ruin the Communist economy. Moreover, total reshuffle of land-ownership was to result in a work stoppage, as few villagers wanted to invest time, labour or fertilizer in a plot which was soon to be taken away. Peasants' "democratic rights and powers" reduced village cadres' authority and loosened discipline among the villagers who tended to refuse to respond the Party's call for mobilization for war service. The radical policy proved disastrous, ruining the economic and political bases of CCP power, and was destined to be short-lived.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1736K) -
国方 敬司原稿種別: 本文
1980 年 46 巻 2 号 p. 181-206,239-23
発行日: 1980/07/25
公開日: 2017/11/24
ジャーナル オープンアクセスIn this research I have investigated some aspects of a hundred court in she late thirteenth century, in particular, its place in the keeping of regional peace, comparing it with a manorial court. Relations with royal courts have been excluded therefrom. The courts analysed here are of the hundred of Highworth, which comprises an area in the north-east corner of Wiltshire, and of the manor of Stratton St. Margaret, which is in this hundred. The manor belonged to Adam de Stratton from 1275 to 1289, and the hundred from 1276 to 1289. Their rolls have been edited by Ralph B. Pugh and by Brenda Farr respectively. In this context I would like to point out that the comparison with the monar court of Sevenhampton, the rolls of which have also been edited by Pugh, would be in vain, for the leet jurisdiction was exercised at this court. It is this jurisdiction that characterized that of the hundred court. The hundred court consisted of ordinary three-weekly meetings and twice-yearly lawday meeting. The business of the former was almost equivalent to proceedings of personal litigations at the manor court, although two litigants of two different lords could seek justice not at the manor court but only at the hundred court. The business of the lawday was obviously different from that of the manor court. At this court tithings were 'viewed' by and they paid customary dues to the lord of the hundred. And all the tithingmen had to be present with a fixed number of their members to make presentments. This procedure of the presentment provided the lawday with a specific character and enhanced its value, though presentments themselves were made at the ordinary court as well. Matters frequently presented included among others, obstructions or diggings up of roads, diversions of water-courses, diggings up of the marsh, thefts, or house-breakings. Even more, such problems as those of the boundary in fields and of the regulation of reaping corn at night were also presented. In short, matters regarding daily life in villages were dealt with at this court. On the other hand, matters taken up at the manor court prove that seignorial power of a landlord was exercised at this court. It is at this court that marriage fines were exacted from unfree tenants, and entry fines or reliefs collected from tenants. In addition to these fines or money exactions, trespasses on demesne, the default of services, or transfers of lands or houses without a licence were punished. Moreover, by the late thirteenth century manor lords had grasped the right to the wood and waste land, and in this corollary, matters relating to the pasture were handled at the manor court Stratton. In summary, while relations between peasants and a landload were regulated at the manor court, daily village life and criminals in this region were to be dealt with at the hundred court, particularly at the lawday.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (2130K) -
工藤 敬一原稿種別: 本文
1980 年 46 巻 2 号 p. 207-216
発行日: 1980/07/25
公開日: 2017/11/24
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藤田 貞一郎原稿種別: 本文
1980 年 46 巻 2 号 p. 217-219
発行日: 1980/07/25
公開日: 2017/11/24
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好並 隆司原稿種別: 本文
1980 年 46 巻 2 号 p. 219-222
発行日: 1980/07/25
公開日: 2017/11/24
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菊池 英夫原稿種別: 本文
1980 年 46 巻 2 号 p. 222-225
発行日: 1980/07/25
公開日: 2017/11/24
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武居 良明原稿種別: 本文
1980 年 46 巻 2 号 p. 225-227
発行日: 1980/07/25
公開日: 2017/11/24
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古賀 正則原稿種別: 本文
1980 年 46 巻 2 号 p. 227-230
発行日: 1980/07/25
公開日: 2017/11/24
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権上 康男原稿種別: 本文
1980 年 46 巻 2 号 p. 230-234
発行日: 1980/07/25
公開日: 2017/11/24
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原稿種別: 文献目録等
1980 年 46 巻 2 号 p. 236-242
発行日: 1980/07/25
公開日: 2017/11/24
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (320K)
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