The settlement of the Canadian West should be viewed as part of the North American frontier expansion. It is significant that free land policy embodied in the Homestead Acts was employed in the disposition of public lands on both sides of the U.S. and Canadian border. Notwithstanding the fame of the U.S. Homestead Act, which is often treated as one of the most important laws in American history, the Canadian counterpart is accorded a less celebrated position in history. It is the purpose of this paper to clarify the nature of the Canadian homestead policy, and compare it to American land policy. The purpose of public land policy in the United States was to create the democratic pattern of land ownership in the West. The Homestead Act of 1862 was the symbol of its policy and the realization of Jeffersonian dream. Although Canada had her own Homestead Act as a part of the Dominion Lands Act of 1872, there seems to have been no such purpose. The Canadian West at the time of its purchase from the Hudson's Bay Company was considered to be the area vulnerable to the threat of American expansion. The settlement of the area was vital to her national security, and it was considered urgent to build a railroad to the Pacific and settle the vacant land with Canadian people. However, there was no clear idea about the character of the society which would be built in the Canadian West. The homestead policy was adopted as a means to attract settlers, and the political philosophy behind the American Homestead Act faded away when this policy went across the international border. The difference between Canada and the United States in the aims of their land policies must have originated in the very nature of public lands, although both countries employed similar disposal policies with identical nomenclature. The public land in the United States was born as the result of the American Revolution, and it was won by the common sword, purse, and blood of all the people. It is quite natural that the land belonged to the people from the beginning. In Canada, however, the public land was essentially the Crown land, which was dramatically shown in the case of Malcolm McKinney's claim to the second Homestead and the response of the Canadian government analyzed in this paper. This characteristic explains the apparent negligence on the type of society which would be built on the frontier, and accounts for the orderly settlement process in western Canada. It is no wonder that the fever associated with the American Homestead Act readily cooled off on the Canadian frontier.

抄録全体を表示

Nach der Niederlage des Ersten Weltkrieges stand die Weimarer Republik, die nun aus einer neuen machtpolitischen Konstellation entstand, einer bitteren Wohnungsnot gegenuber. Ende 1920 sollte der Wohnungsbedarf mehr als 1, 2 Mill. betragen, was wirtschaftlich sowie politisch eine schwere Belastung fur die junge Republik darstellte. Zur innenpolitischen Stabilisierung setzte sich die Weimarer Regierung deshalb zur dringenden Aufgabe, die Behebung der Wohnungsnot so bald wie moglich in Angriff zu nehmen. Dank der aktiven gesetzgebenden Tatigkeiten wurde diese Aufgabe vorubergehend bis zum Jahre 1923 gelost ; dabei spielten die drei wohnugnsgesetze eine groBe Rolle, namlich Wohnungsmangelgesetz vom 11.5. 1920, Reichsmietengesetz vom 24.3. 1922 und Mieterschutzgesetz vom 1.6. 1923. Bei dem EntscheidungsprozeB dieser Gesetze bestand der Streitpunkt hauptsachlich darin, inwieweit die privaten Rechte des Hausbesitzes zum Ziel des Mieterschutzes eingeschrankt werden sollten. Der folgende Aufsatz geht davon aus, die Fragen zu stellen, was man in den Verhandlungen uber das erste Wohnungsgesetz der Weimarer Zeit, namlich das Wohnungsmangelgesetz (WMG), erzielte, und wie und in welchem Sinne das soziale und wirtschaftliche Interesse der Hausbesitzer zugunsten der Wohnungslosen in geringem MaB berucksichtigt wurde. Das WMG ermoglichte der offentlichen Hand, die mangelnden Wohnraume zu bewirtschaften. Zu diesem Ziel wurden die stark die freie Wohnungswirtschaft beschrankten MaBnahmen, wie z.B. das Zwangsmietvertragswesen und die Zwangseinquartierung, in groBerem MaB als in der Kriegszeit durchgefuhrt, wo sid schon in einzelnen Gemeinden als NotmaBnahmen eingefuhrt worden waren. Bei dem sozialen Konflikt, der in erster Linie aus der Protestbewegung der Hausbesitzer gegen WMG entsprang, handelte es sich vor allem um den Artikel 9 des WMG, aufgrund dessen der Staat in die Freizugigkeit sowie die Unverletzlichkeit der Wohnung und des Eigentums eingreifen konnte, soweit solche Eingriffe zur Milderung der Wohnungsnot dringend erforderlich waren. Dieser Artikel gab dem Staat einen groBen Handlungsspielraum, in dem er die soziale Intervention auf dem Gebiet des Wohnungswesens erweitern konnte. Im DurchfuhrungsprozeB des WMG laBt sich feststellen, daB die ZwangsmaBnahmen dazu beitrugen, das Elend der Wohnungslosen, insbesondere der minderbemittelten sowie kinderreichen Familien, erfolgreich zu entscharfen. Die Hausbesitzer fanden in der Erweiterung des staatlichen Sozialinterventionismus eine Gefahr der "Sozialisierung" des gesamten Wohnungswesens auf kaltem Weg, da ihre Verfugungsfreiheit uber Gebaude und Grunde nun sehr stark eingeschrankt wurde. Um ihre Unzufriedenheit mit der Weimarer Wohnungspolitik politisch zu artikulieren, organisierten sie sich in dem Zentralverband der deutschen Haus- und Grundbesitzervereine und sie begannen eine aktive Protestbewegung zu entwickeln. Im Jahre 1921 fanden sie ihre politische Interessenvertretung in der kurz zuvor gegrundeten Wirtschaftspartei, der es dann ab 1924 gelang, als Interessenpartei des alten Mittelstandes, zu dem die meisten Hausbesitzer gehorten, einen politischen EinfluB zu gewinnen. Soweit diese Partei von negativen Einstellungen des alten Mittelstandes gegenuber dem parteipolitischen System der Weimarer Republik lebte, so bedeutete ihr Aufschwung in der relativen Stabilisierungsphase auf paradoxe Weise eine Entfremdung zwischen mittelstandischen Schichten und dem Weimarer Parlamentarismus. In diesem Sinne bildete die Wirt schaftspartei eine Vorfrucht des Nationalsozialismus.

抄録全体を表示

The history of publishing agricultural writings in Scotland had been much delayed in comparison with England, probably reflecting the difference of agricultural developments between two countries. But, by the end of the seventeenth century, a significant demand for suc1h writings seemed to exist among landowning classes who had begun to improve their estates. The parliamentary union of 1707 had, in consequence, an effect of inducing Scottish leading people to aware of their economic backwardness by increasing communications between Scotland and England. This awareness lead those people to take some actions for improving their state, such as establishing the Society of Improvers in the Knowledge of Agriculture in Scotland which was the first institution as the agricultural sdciety in Britain, and stimulate them to write on agriculture as well as manufacturing. Scottish agricultural writers suggested some specific programs to be adopted, and emphasized that landowners as well as farmers in Scotland should recognize their delayed situations and try to catch up to the level of English farming. Thus, those writers concentrated not only on technological aspects of agricultural improvements but on ideoloigical ones, that is, how to provoke the willingness of landowners of farmers to introduce and adopt new know-ledges and techniques from England or Continent. But, those writers had increasingly recognized the importance of agriculture as the scientific and rational systems appropriate to the peculiar environments and climates in Scotland. Then, Lord Kames and Andrew Wight had begun the work of collecting informations about the examples of remarkable improvements achieved anywhere in Scotland herself and diffusing them everwhere there. If such examples, they thought, were found or felt to be found in close neibourhoods, some spirits of emulation might be kindled among farmers or landowners themselves. In pursuing their private interests by emulating the examples of their neibours' achievements, they could contribute to rise the national agricultural production as a whole and thus promote the public interests. Such an idea could be said as a kind of modernizing ideology contrived by Scottish agricultural Writers of the eighteenth century.

抄録全体を表示

The Factory Act of 1844 imposed certain regulations on adult female labour for the first time in the history of British factory acts. The purpous of this paper is to crarify the idea which lied behind the regulations through studying the process of legislation of the act, looking much of dispute whether adult females were free agents or not. The views in Parliament can be classified into three major ones. (a) the faction who criticized the factory-system and who agreed to regulate the female labour. Ashley and other Tory-inclined members attributed abuses of female factory labour to the factory-system itself and prorosed to ristrict working hours of adult female to 10 hours a day. (b) the faction who supported the factory-system and who opposed to regulate the female labour. Whig-inclined or radical members who advocated laissez-faire insisted that regulations was not necessary. Not only some of them were doubtful about the affection on adult male labour but also others opposed it because female were not free agents. (c) the faction who supported the factory-system and who agreed to regulate the female labour. Other Tory-inclined and some Whig-inclined members thought the regulations were not algainst laissez-faire because females were not free agents. They insisted 12 hours was reasonable for adult females. The factory inspectors' opinion was similar to (c) in Parliament but there was one who hesitated to define adult females as non-free-agents. The view of adovocators of ten hours movement was near to (a) in Parliament but they intended to expell females as competitors out of the labour market or to shorten the working hours of adult males through the regulations of female labour. The fact that The Factory Act of 1844 imposed the ristricts on female labour means the defeat of (b) and of the idea that females were free agents. (a) and adovocators of ten hours movement promoted the legislation but were defeated in the 10 hours vs 12 hours contravercy. The act restricted the working hours of adult females to 12 hours a day as (c) and the factory inspectors had insisted and females embodied in the factory acts as those who were not free agents.

抄録全体を表示