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Volume 55 (1989)
- Issue 6 Pages 713-
- Issue 5 Pages 555-
- Issue 4 Pages 407-
- Issue 3 Pages 261-
- Issue 2 Pages 121-
- Issue 1 Pages 1-
Volume 55, Issue 3
Displaying 1-11 of 11 articles from this issue
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Nobutaka SHINONAGAArticle type: Article
1989 Volume 55 Issue 3 Pages 261-296,406
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: July 08, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSIf the "Classical Image" of French imperialism as defined by LENIN requires re-examination and if it also reflects characteristics of French capitalism, then studies of the foreign policy of France toward China and the great undertaking of the Banque Industrielle de Chine realized by the BERTHELOT brothers are, in this respect, signifieant and suggestive. The serious tentatives of Chinese modernization begun in 1895, gave the world Powers a golden opportunity to penetrate with their political, financial and economic power. Compared with its rivals, France who, since the end of the 1850's, pursued an expansionist policy in Asia, hardly possessed favorable factors. Her financial force, the accumulation of capital, considered as the only arm(as the last resort) had to be exploited to make up for her weaknesses. Philippe BERTHELOT, director of the Asian section of the Foreign Office, hit on the idea of creating an "ldeal" bank -a Franco-Chinese bank-, and asked the "Banque de l'Indochine", a quasi-national bank, to realize his plan. However this bank, which had been under the control of five big banks in Paris strongly objected. It was Andre BERTHELOT, ex-deputy and agent of Baron EMPAIN, that in 1913, carried out his brother's plan. Should we call such a policy which crystallised into the Banque Industrielle de Chine "Bank Imperialism" or "Financial Imperialism"?View full abstractDownload PDF (3318K) -
Hironobu SAKUMAArticle type: Article
1989 Volume 55 Issue 3 Pages 297-331,405
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: July 08, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSBei dem zunehmenden Interesse der Forschung am alten Handwerk beginnt man zu kritisch zu fragen, ob es zum einen die Gleichheit und die Solidalitat inner-halb eines Handwerks und zum anderen den AbschluB nach auBen gab, wie man herausgestellt hatte. Da bisher kaum prazise Ergebnisse erzielt wurden, habe ich hierzu eine Fallstudie erarbeitet, wobei die selbst in neueren Recherchen vernachlassigte Konjunkturentwicklung mit berucksichtigt wurde. Aus Ergebnis muB zunachst das Gleichheitsprinzip aufgegeben werden. Denn es bestand bezuglich der Beschaffung der Wolle, der Verfugbarkeit der Arbeitskrafte und der Tuchrahmen sowie der Produktionsmenge eine absolute Ungleichheit unter den Meistern. Ihre Tatigkeit als Verleger oder Handler fuhrte auBerdem zu enormen Vermogensunterschieden. Gegen 1500 zerfugte 35, etwa ein Drittelaller Meister, uber mehr als 500 fl. Vermogen. Wahrend bei ruckllaufiger Produktion die Tuchpreise 1560=1634 um 75% stiegen, kletterten im 16. Jh. die Preise fut Lebensmittel um 300-400% und fur Rohsto0ffe um 100%, so daB die meisten Meister verarmen muBten. Von einem AbschluB nach auBen in Bezug auf die Zulassungsbedingungen kann man erst nach 1550 sprechen. Kennzeichen waren die Erhohung des nachzuweisenden Mindestvermogens und die Begrenzung der Lehrlingsaufnahme. Die AbschluBtendenz entsprach vollig dem drastischen durch den Absatzmarktverlust verursachten Produktionsruckgang seit den vierziger Janren. Die Vorstadte Nurnbergs, Wohrd und Gostenhof, nahmen eine besondere Stellung ein, da Nurnberg das Ernennungsrecht fur die Vorsteher der beiden vorstadtischen Hand-werke besaB und sich dort wegen der billigeren Einerittsgebuhr und des geringeren Mindestvermogen die unteren Schichten niederlieBen. Einheitliche MaBnahmen der drei Stadte gegen den Import von Tuchern, z. B. der obligatorische Verkauf auf dem Nurnberger Tuchhaus, blieben erfolglos. Vor allem bedrohten seit etwa 1550 die billigeren Tucher aus Hezogenaurach und Schwabaach. Esist festzustellen, daB in der Fruhneuzeit im Nurnberger Wirtschaftsraum besonders die benachbarten kleinen Stadte profitierten. Nurnberg blieb aber Zentrum des Handels.View full abstractDownload PDF (2953K) -
Toshiro MATSUMOTOArticle type: Article
1989 Volume 55 Issue 3 Pages 332-355,404
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: July 08, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSIn this paper I examine economic development of Taiwan and South Korea from 1903 to 1983. First, the rates of economic growth of the two countries are estimated. and compared with that of Japan Second, the factors which made the economic growth of the two countries possible are discussed. The differences in Japnese Empire's statistics and Taiwan government's statistics(or South Korean government's statistics) cause a great difficulty in discussing the economic development of the two countries ; i.e. whether it started before or only after they became independent is a problem. My paper is one of the few which have tackled this point. According to my estimation, the rates of the economic development of Taiwan and South Korea were already very high befor World War II. However, the growth rates became much higher after the war. Also the leading industries changed in both countries. The Japanese imperialism suppresed vernacular capital and tried to introduce Japanese capital for the development of Taiwan and Korea. This policy was successful. However, the post-war development of the two countries shoud be explanined from other factors, because Japanese capital disappeared in both countries after the war. In my opinion, there are five factors which made the rapid development of Taiwan and South Korea after the war possible: (1) systems and infrastructures which the Japanese imperialism brought in, (2) liberation from the Japanese imperialism after the war, (3) initial conditions structured by the cold war effect, (4) the Far Eastern policy of the U.S.A. which supported economic development of both countries, which has been suplemented by Japan since the mid 1960s, and(5) the successful development strategies of both governments. The cases of Taiwan and South Korea show that economic development of the Third World is possible, provided that the government adopts right development strategies and that developed countries support these strategies without interfering their independence.View full abstractDownload PDF (2152K) -
Naomichi HIRAIDEArticle type: Article
1989 Volume 55 Issue 3 Pages 356-378,403
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: July 08, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSIt is generally thought that Henry CLAY was a representative of peasant proprietors in the West and his "American System" was closely related to the interest of grain export to the East or the South, only because he lived in Kentucky. However, his power base was not the whole of Kentucky but the Bluegrass region, the plantation area of hemp which was called "Nigger Crop". So the purpose of this paper is to clarify the economic structure and the meaning of "American System" in this region. Until 1820, Lexington, the center of Bluegrass, where all kinds of industries flourished, was the metropolis west of the Alleghenies. And protective tariffs for these infant industries were claimed by CLAY and manufacturers in that city. But after the decline of Lexington caused by the introduction of steamboats into the Mississippi and the Panic of 1819, the hemp industry became an outstanding one. Though the hemp processors and planters also mede a claim for protective tariffs on processed goods such as cotton bagging or rope of high price and low quality compared with Scottish ones, the only market for these goods, as well as for surplus slaves, was the lower South where free trade was insisted upon. Accordingly the economy of the Bluegrass region in this period was supported by the lower South. So the processors and planters in this area were always afraid of a secession of the lower South in spite of their claim for protective tariffs. Henry CLAY's concessive attitude after the decline of Lexington resulted from this economic situation.View full abstractDownload PDF (2036K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1989 Volume 55 Issue 3 Pages 379-382
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: July 08, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (545K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1989 Volume 55 Issue 3 Pages 382-385
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: July 08, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (476K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1989 Volume 55 Issue 3 Pages 385-387
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: July 08, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (381K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1989 Volume 55 Issue 3 Pages 387-390
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: July 08, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (524K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1989 Volume 55 Issue 3 Pages 390-393
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: July 08, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (516K) -
[in Japanese]Article type: Article
1989 Volume 55 Issue 3 Pages 393-397
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: July 08, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (646K) -
Article type: Bibliography
1989 Volume 55 Issue 3 Pages 403-406
Published: September 30, 1989
Released on J-STAGE: July 08, 2017
JOURNAL OPEN ACCESSDownload PDF (209K)
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