It is the Buddhist temple that featured the widest variety of warawa in medieval communities. Although many studies of warawa have been made, few of them succeed in sufficiently revealing the state of warawa in the medieval temples. In an attempt to find out the significance of warawa and warawasugata (dressed like a child) in the early medieval period, this article specifically describes characteristics of warawa in the temples. Chapter 1 describes the way of living and the image of warawa in the temples based on setsuwa literature. Kokonchomonju mentions to uewarawa (jodo) and chodo (boys who were lovers at high-ranking men) of the omuro at Ninnaji Temple, while Ujishuimonogatari mentions to chigo, chudaidoji, and daidoji on Mt. Eizan. These stories in Kokonchomonju have something to do with a certain bokan who contributed to compiling the Ninnaji-Temple-related setsuwa group. Stories mentioning warawa in Ujishuimonogatari, on the other hand, seem to be setsuwa relating to Chuin on Mt. Eizan. What should be noted here is daidoji-setsuwa. Daidoji-setsuwa is picked up not only by Ujishuimonogatari but also by Hosshinshu and Zoutanshu. What is common to all of them is specific characteristics of daidoji : (1)they were not allowed to enter the priesthood : (2)they remained in warawasugata, even during their adulthood, attended high-ranking people, and (3)they worked close to temple authority but were ignorant and persevering, and sometimes comically amusing. Chapter 2 specifically examines names, ranks, and roles of warawa by referring to the temple documents of Daigoji Ninnaji and Mt. Eizan. Typical temple warawa were referred to as chigo, chudoji, and daidoji, who served the works and belonged to a bo or innge. Warawa were ranked as chigo chudoji, and daidoji. In a procession, warawa were ranked as uewarawa, chudoji, and daidoji. The chigo of omuro consisted of a hierarchy composed of children from the Seiga families, those from the bokan, those from gehokumen of the in (the retired emperor), and so forth. Chigo were clearly distinguished in rank from chudoji who was a warawa allowed to go up to serve personally high-ranking people in the bo. The major functions of chudoji were waiting on and attending high-ranking people. On the other hand, daidoji were not allowed to go up to the level of their superiors. They were organized into cho or ren and had various kinds of functions: leading horses, procuring necessities for Buddhist ceremonies, periodically collecting land taxes from estates, and administrating the kodoneridokoro of the bo. In short, daidoji and chudoji were also hierarchically distinguished each other. Chapter 3 studies kugeshinsei (new laws imposed by the Imperial Court) and jihenshinsei (new rules issued by individual temples for themselves) to find out that daidoji were similar to zoshiki of aristocratic families and that the main role of chudoji and daidoji was to attend monks. It has also been learned from picture scrolls, including Kasugagongen-genkie, that chigo, chudoji, and daidoji are clearly distinguished by their seating location and dress. The origin of warawasugata of those who attended monks can be found in the holy attendants of Buddha. The concept of warawasugata first appeared in Souniryo, which stipulated that children should attend monks. ln accordance with stratification that took place in the monkhood from the late 10th century to the 11th century, chigo, chudoji, and daidoji, were also ranked. Daidoji eventually became those who failed to find a way to enter the priesthood, which resulted in the warawasugata of adult or senior daidoji. Chigo, chudoji, and daidoji are found to be representative warawa of the medieval temples. The author shows that daidoji, instead of dodoji, was typically in warawasugata at medieval temples. This warawasugata reflected not only expectations toward voluntary services and the holy power of warawa, but also stratification among the warawa.

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As Zhili governor-general, Yuan Shikai led many kinds of governmental reforms called beiyang xinzheng 北洋新政. The establishment of the police, or xunjing 巡警 system was one of the most important of these reforms. In a historical perspective the meaning of this move can be understood as follows: (1)The xunjing system was introduced to settle the social crisis which arose after the Boxer Uprising, but it was also needed in order to strengthen social control in the process of urbanization. (2)The county-based yamen, which had been given comprehensive authority in local administration, were giving way to newly established administrative organs, including the xunjing bureau, which were more functionally specialized. (3)The establishment of the xunjing bureau and other new organs brought about an expansion of the administrative sphere of officials. On the other hand, local elites came to have a formal voice in administrative affairs. The need of social control in the city forced both officials and local elites to extend their functions. (4)It can be said that the county-level yamen's task of preserving law and order was taken over by the xunjing bureau. This means that an officer in the xunjing system came to perform the role of a controller, a mediator and an edifier in the local society. (5)During the late Guangxu period, the urban elite class often showed antipathy towards popular religion, with which the county magistrate's authority had been closely tied. The appearance of the xunjing system was related to this change in political culture.

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