I. Bis heute war das Problem des Greisenalters als Sozialfrage im Forschungsbereich der griechisch-romischen Geschichte nicht so bedeutsam wie im literarisch-philosophischen Fachgebiet. Seit kurzem ist der Generationenkonflikt auch ein wichtiges Forschungsthema in der historischen Entwicklung des klassischen Altertums geworden. In diesem Vortrag mochte ich die in der eigenartigen, sprichwortlichen Wendung "Sexagenarios de ponte in Tiberim deicere" verbreitete Volkssage als Frage des Greisenalters behandeln. Trotz Mangels an Quellen versuchten schon viele Forscher, von Wagner (1833) bis Neraudau (1978), Guarino (1979) und Lugli (1986), die Entstehung dieser Redensart genauer zu beschreiben. Wem und welcher Zeit schlieBlich dieses Sprichwort zu verdanken ist, scheint mir nicht so bedeutend sein. Aus diesen Grunden will ich hier vor allem den historisch-theoretischen Hintergrund dieser Redewendung klaren. II. Nach sorgfaltiger Untersuchung der Beweise in Cic., Varr., Fest., Ovid., Dion. Hal., Non., Arnob., Lact., Macrob. usw. laBt sich deutlich der EntstehungsprozeB und auch der ursprungliche Sinn dieses Ausdruckes zeigen. Im Laufe der Quellenforschungen fand ich vor allem Varros Standpunkt und seine Rolle bemerkenswert. Dann analysierte ich vier verschiedene Schichten der Uberlieferungen, d.h. 1)Argeerfrage, 2)Menschenopfer, insbesondere die Aussetzung der Alten wie uberall im klass. Altertum (auch in Japan!), 3)Frage der Sechzigjahrigen in der romischen Welt, 4)AusschluB der "Sexagenarii" vom Komitienrecht (freilich ist die reale Bedeutung sehr problematisch. Bezuglich der Stimmungslage der Redewendung beschranke ich mich hier nur auf Hinweise). Auf die vierte als die wichtigste der obengenannten Fragen konzen triert sich jedes Element dieser Redewendung. Vom weltgeschichtlich-volkstumlichen Standpunkt dus laBt sich uberdies auch die im wesentlichen religiose Rolle der Briicken und Flusse, insbesondere des Tibers, als Hauptbestandteil dieser Redensart sowohl im Volksempfinden wie in der Realpolitik klarmachen. III. Meiner Meinung nach forderte aber die sozial-politische Entwicklung def spaten romischen Republik auch die Entstehung der Bedingungen und Stimmungen dieses Sprichwortes. Selbstverstandlich hat es auch in Rom, wie uberall, seit jeher Spannungen zwischen jung und alt gegeben. Seit der 2. Halfte des 2. Jh. v. Chr. entwickelten sie sich zu politischen Spannungen und erreichten im 1. Jh. v. Chr. ihren Hohepunkt. Auf dieser Basis tritt schlieBlich die ungewohnlich klingende Redensart" Sexagenarii de ponte" auf. Von diesem historischen Gesichtdwinkel aus muB man dem Generationenproblem in Bezug auf den sogenannten "Schwarzen Humor" doch eine entscheidende Bedeutung beimesden.

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Recent studies of the late medieval villages have tended to concentrate on samurai status rather than village commoners. This paper is a case study of a village called Suganoura-sosho, in which the samurai rank did not exist. The author shows the process of the formation of the so (or sosho; a self-governing communal organization in medieval villages) from the Kamakufa through the Muromachi period. Suganoura's village code of 1302 was written in the form known as ansho. Ansho is a document testifying to debt repayment which the creditor handed over to the debtor in the case of the original note being dedtroyed, etc. From this code, we know that the village koro rank (elders selected from among the main residents) in Suganoura financed the cost of a lawsuit brought by the resident or ganization of Suganoura. Next, the author surveys the transformation of the village resident composition. (1)In the 13th century, Suganoura consisted of two ranks, hon-kugonin (original residents, who had acquired the privilege of suppliing food to the emperor) and sinka-no-kugonin (new residents, who had not officially acquired the privilege of kugonin). (2)In the 14th century, all the residents had acquired the rank and the privilege of kugonin, and the so organization had come into existence. (3)In the 15th century, the representatives of Suganoura were twenty elders called otona, who were selected from among all the households (called zaike) in the village. The sosho (or so) organization was administrated by these otona. In the early 14th century, a dispute arose between Suganoura and neighboring Oura-no-sho, Each zaike, in Suganoura shared the costs of the lawsuit on a Per capita basis, and the residents' organization began to draw up and collect documents pertaining to the lawsuit. The origin of the so organization can be traced back to this time. Finally, the author investigates the zaike-yaku (zaike dues) imposed in Suganoura. In the early 14th century, a principal had been established that each zaike bore its dues on a per capita basis. (1)Ushiro-zaike (zaike in retreat) were exempted from zaike-yaku. (2)Zaike of widows and others in poor economic situations were partly exempted from zaike-yaku. The author asserted that the Suganoura's code of munabetsu (a cash tax levied on each house) was established not by Suganoura-sosho but, by the Azai family, the feudal lord of Suganoura.

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The Saiwai-Club (which consisted mainly of bureaucrats) wielded power in the House of Peers through the Meiji era. The assimilation of the Kenkyukai party (which consisted mainly of peers) helped the process. However, the club's power leclined gradually from the Taisho political crisis to the establishment of the Hara Takashi Cabinet. Why? In this paper, I will discuss the movements of the Saiwai-Club and Kenkyukai party, paying close attention to the sinking fund problem of the early Taisho era. After the Taisho political crisis, the political world was split in two groups: supporters of the Second Okuma Cabinet and its opposition. During the Second Okuma Cabinet regime, leaders of the Saiwai-Club were also split in two biterly opposing groups. At the 37th session of the Diet, they vehemently opposed the government's policy concerning the sinking fund. Though the Second Okuma Cabinet lived on until a half year later, Genro Yamagata Aritomo Suggested its general resignation to mediate both groups and this helped their diminish the tension. Finally, the government and leaders of Saiwai-Club suggested a compromise, and most parties accepted it. However, it did not mean the dispute was solved completely. It often re-emerged in later sessions. In fact the Saiwai-Club declined due to dissent among their leaders. Baron-members in their party particularly tended keep their distance. Leaders of the Kenkyukai party also came to lose their trust, because they did nothing but following the Saiwai-Club party line. Many members (particularly the younger ones) wanted them to leave the Saiwai-Club, resulting in their fall from the leading position. Such a situation made them oppose government policy when the sinking fund problem occurred. They were urged by their leaders to accept compromise at last; but this did not mean that their feelings had changed. They continued to search for the chance to regain party leadership. As they had expected, they did become the new leaders a few years later. Their party came to grow as the Saiwai-Club decayed. As mentioned above, the ruling party changed from the Saiwai-Club to the Kenkyukai party during the Second Okuma Cabinet Period. This important trend laid the foundation for the structure of later governments and had much influence on the political history of the Taisho era itself.

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