This paper deals with traditional shinto priest (shake 社家) organization, particularly how and why individual shrines attempted to free themselves from that organization, in the Kuninaka 国中 region of Kai 甲斐 Province, in order to investigate how shrine briests conceived their position within early nineteenth century Japanese society. There were a total of 160 medium and small sizd shrines in the Kuninaka region (including Yamanashi, Yatsushiro and Koma districts, but excluding the Kawauchi territory), whose shake consisted of two priests each. These shake were organized under the Fuchu Hachiman 府中八幡 Shrine, the guardian shrine of Kofu 甲府 castle, into a prayer rotation system by which shake would alternate by taking shifts of two nights and two days in continuous prayer for the country's safety, etc.. The shake organized into this system opposed the Fuchu Hachiman Shrine, which had established its superiority over this organization during the early eighteenth century, and during the early nineteenth century made attempts to secede from the system. In this paper, the author concentrates on such efforts made by the Kanda Tenjin 菅田天神 Shrine in Kami Ozo Village, Yamanashi-Gun. The Kanda Tenjin Shrine was the traditional holder of the Takeda 武田 family's cultural treasure known as the "Tatenashi Yoroi" (shieldless suit of armor) worn by the famous marksman Shinra Saburo Yoshimitsu (1045-1127). The author relates that in 1793, on the occasion of the shogun's inspection of this treasure, the head priest of this shrine became involved in widespread economic activities and attempted to confirm his family's legacy as the shrine's leader. The author then turns to the events happening on the provincial scale, investigating from the standpoint of disputes over Shinto ritual how social status and group affiliation according to religious registries (shumon ninbetsu-cho 宗門人別帳) were confirmed and the problem of honorific titles accompanying official appointments. The author also takes up the questions of the reasoning presented by shake for seceding from the prayer rotation system and the hollowing out of traditional institutions that confirmed shrine family status. The author sheds light on the process and background to these secession activities, by which shake within the rotation system refuted the claim of the Fuchu Hachiman Shrine to its traditional superiority over them. The author concludes that such activities and ideas were by no means unique to Kai Province, but represented phenomena arising throughout late Tokugawa era society. In this sense, we can regard the hollowing out of the prayer rotation system as a positive historical development.
Japan's early medieval period experience a broadening of society of fortress (tachi 館) and after the establishment of the Kamakura Bakufu, its headquarters went through a gradual process of urbanization. The aim of the present paper is to trace this transformation process by examining the residences and temples of the Hojo 北条 family locatdd on the Izu peninsula, its fief, and in the city of Kamakura proper. From information contained in records concerning Ganjoju-in tenple in Izu and archaeological surveys conducted in the town of Nirayama, we find that the Hojo family left Izu around the middle of the thirteenth century, no doubt with the aim to establish itself in Kamakura. After the Hojo's move to Kamakura, Hojo-Tokimasa 時政 built a residence in the neighborhood of Nagoe 名越, while Hojo-Yoshitoki 義時 took up residence in Okura 大倉. At that time it was necessary for Hojo family residences to be located near the shogun's palace, so Hojo-Yasutoki 泰時 decided to move the palace close to his residence in Komachi 小町. However, during the regency of Tokiyori 時頼, the Hojo family residence had no locational connection to the shogun's palace at all. Tokiyori's residence continued to serve as the regent's home for a long time after, and became known as "Shikken-Tei" (the regent's house), but was later occupied by the head (tokuso 得宗) of the Hojo family, not the regent. This transformation in Hojo family residential patterns closely reflects the political history of the family, which began in the role of close advisors to the shogun, changing to governance via the regency, and finally becoming the bakufu's ruling samurai family. The fact that the "Shikken-Tei" was surrounded by lodgings for samurai and the residences of commoners strikes a clear contrast to Minamoto-no-Yoritomo's Palace, which was built in the tradition of a fortress (tachi 館). In addition, the fact that the Hojo family possessed a villa in Yamanouchi 山内 with a chapel to enshrine a statue of Buddha (jibutsu-do 持佛堂) may have set the style for Muromachi era Kamakura, which was characterized by the construction of samurai residences and temples in the suburbs. And if this is so, we should include this feature to the important elements that made up the formation of Kamakura as a medieval Japanese city. Furthermore, by gaining Control over temples located on the periphery, the Hojo family established Kamakura's city limits and its sphere of urban activity. The author concludes that the Hojo family's move from Izu into Kamakura represents the transformation that took place within medieval society from fortress to town.
Bara and Viala are famous "children" of the French Revolution. It has been said that they sacrificed themselves for the revolutionary cause. There is, however, a great deal of uncertainty about these heroes. What is the truth about their deaths ? Who created their legends ? Why did these tales spread rapidly during the Revolution ? Why and how were they revived under the Third Republic ? These questions have remained unanswered. Bara and Viala died bravely in the revolutionary war; howevrer, their deaths were not as heroic as heretofore believed. It was Robespierre who made their lives and deaths more heroic. At that time, Robespierre was struggling with the dechristianisation, antireligious movement, on the one hand, and the popular cult of Marat, on the other. He needed new heroes who could garner support from the sans-culottes to his cause. Robespierre and his friends were able to impose their heroes on the people, especially on the young, at least to a certain degree. This was propably owing to the trend in French society, which became more and more evident in the 18th century, towards the decline of paternal authority and the increase in the value of children. Both were legitimized during the Revolution. Although Bara and Viala legends died out after the fall of Robespierre, legends of heroic children were revived under the Third Republic, especially in the textbooks used in primary schools. At that time, Republicans used the legends of Bara and Viala in the hope that republicanism and patriotism would become rooted deeply in children's minds, but they neglected the fact purposely that these had been created by Robespierre. In any case, these children again became heroes. The Republicans also changed Jacobin young patriots into heroes of French history.