SHIGAKU ZASSHI
Online ISSN : 2424-2616
Print ISSN : 0018-2478
ISSN-L : 0018-2478
Volume 108 , Issue 4
Showing 1-20 articles out of 20 articles from the selected issue
  • Type: Cover
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages Cover1-
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (28K)
  • Type: Cover
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages Cover2-
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (28K)
  • Koji ITO
    Type: Article
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 465-500,621-62
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    An impotant intermediary role was played by monks of the Zen sects in foreign relations during late medieval Japan. It has already been pointed out by MURAI Shosuke that during the Muromachi era the five main Zen temples (Gozan 五山) functioned as a veritable "foreign ministry." However, looking at diplomacy as the Bakufu noticeably weakened during the sixteenth century, it is also necessary to focus on other Zen sects who became very active in foreign affairs. In this article, the author investigates the Genju 幻住 School of the Rinzai Zen Sect and its dirlomatic activities in the pan-China Sea region of Asia, focusing on Shofukuji Temple in Hakata, which had adopted the canon of the Genju School's Muinka 無隠下 Faction at that time. The Muinka Faction was in very close contact with Ankokuji on the island of Iki, a temple that was active in foreign relations and an important part of Shofukuji's diplomatic network. It was the Ouchi 大内 family that took advantage of Zen sect diplomacy like the kind carried out at Shofukuji. It utilized both Gozan and non-Gozan networks, resulting in monks belonging to both the Soto and Rinzai Sects coming under its control. It was under such circumstances that Koshinsekitei 湖心碩鼎, pupil of Ikkasekiyu 一華碩由 of the Genju School's Enkeika 遠渓下 Faction, appeared advocating the unification of the Soto, Genju and Daito Sects in a complete missan 密参 form. At the same time, he inherited the canon of the Genju School's Muinka 無隠下 Faction, that was deeply involved in foreign relations and took charge of the Ouchi family's diplomatic affairs, looking after the Genju faction within the diverse religious factions under that family and building a staff of diplomatic personnel for himself. Many well-known diplomat/monks, including Nihogenyu 耳峰玄熊 and Shogakuteiko 嘯岳鼎虎, came from the Genju School that was tied so closely to the Ouchi family's widespread foreign activities, while as the same time affiliating themselves with the 0ryo 黄龍 School of Min' anyosai 明庵栄西, the founder of shofukuji, and rebuilding the temple from ruin after the turbulence of the Warring States era. Genju faction's sphere of activities included formed a broad network spanning Ming China, Korea and the Ryukyu Islands. Particularly, after the fall of the Ouchi family, the island of Tsushima 対馬 in the Genju faction network became the main organ for trade and diplomacy with the Korean peninsula.
    Download PDF (3021K)
  • Rie TAMURA
    Type: Article
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 501-526,620-62
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    The purpose of this paper is to show the existence of small communities inside the city of York and their relationship to the Crown in the early fourteenth century, a time when the idea of the communities of the realm was being formed in England. The author examines the account of the general eyre described in the Assize Rolls kept in thepublic Record Office. In 1306 there was a general eyre inYork. By chance this trial was to reveal not only a series of factional conflicts inside the city but also active government interference in York matters, although the city had been granted the privilege of self-government by the Crown. Here we can see the way the king's government put boroughs under its control. In this eyre, a citizen of York sued fifty-four other citizen, including the mayor, on the charge of forming an illegal guild and conspiracy. In those days the Crown showed great interest in conspiracy, meaning that the king's government began to control local communities, shires or boroughs, since conspiracy was apt to be caused by collective activities or mutual consent of communities at any level of society. In this eyre the accused guild was ordered to be dissolved, and the judgement meant that the king's government would have the chance to make communities, guilds or fraternities thought to be in danger of injuring the kingdom illegal in the future. Therefore, it can be said that this trial shows a part of the process of re-organizing cormmunities under the administration of the kingdom.
    Download PDF (2396K)
  • Hidemi HIGUCHI
    Type: Article
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 527-552,618-62
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    In modern times, especially after the Russio-Japanese War, how to deal with China was one of the most important problems for Japan. It was not just as a common diplomatic problem, but also was closely related to Japan's secuity-its independence and national security-and also to matters influencing daily life in Japan, such as resources, population, provisions, and foreign trade. Most of the research so far on the history of Sino-Japanese relations has focused on the antagonism between the Japanese Army and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, while the Navy's policy towards China has been almost neglected. In order to grasp the whole image of this history, however, it is necessary to restudy it from the viewpoint of the Navy by examining the role it played in Japan's policy-making towards China. Because Japan's policy towards China, as above mentioned, bore great in those days, the Navy also had to grapple with the China problem after the Russio-Japanese War, the Navy had foresaw that the outbreak of a Japanese-American War could be caused by the China question, Modern Japan's diplomatic policy was mostly decided in the tripartite meeting by the Army, the Navy and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This is the matter to be examined in the present article which focuses on the Navy's activities before and after the time when Japan made its North China maneuver which led to the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War. After the Manchurian Incident, the Army had an increasingly powerful voice on the issue of China, and "the policy towards China" began to become a "synonym of the policy towards the Army." It has been said that the Navy function-d as "a brake" to control the Army, but recent studies, mainly of the Meiji and Taisho eras, have begun to focuson the cooperative relations between the Army and the Navy on the China problem. This matter is taken up here by considering the aspect not only of the Navy's role of slowing the Army down, but also of advancing into China under the cooperation with the Army.After 1935, the Navy shifted its policy towards China to a more moderate one. Up to 1935, it had proceeded with the "South China maneuver" that aimed to make that region's local governments pro-Japanese, just like the Army had done in Manchuria and North China. The Navy forcefully urged the Kuomintang government to adopt a pro-Japanese attitude by using the pressure of the North and South China maneuvers, since they had already planned a Sino-Japanese united front against the United States in the midst of friction over naval disarmament. On the other hand, after the Second London Naval Conferenceof 1935, the Navy began to grope for detente with the U.S. and they suspended its plan to partition of China. It can be said, however, that the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War meant that the Navy failed to moderate Japan's policy towards China. Considering also that up to 1935 the Navy had carried out a China partition policy like the Army, its role did not serve as a brake on Japan's hardline measures, but rather accelerated them. And, in the view of China, the Navy's policy constantly forced China to take stronger measures against Japan before and after 1935. This is because the Navy had up to 1935 caused anti-Japanese sentiment in China by carrying out the partition policy, while after 1935 it encouraged the Kuomintang govern-ment to unify China.
    Download PDF (2678K)
  • Keisuke YAO
    Type: Article
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 553-559
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (707K)
  • Type: Appendix
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 559-
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (53K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 560-561
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (234K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 562-563
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (263K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 563-
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (153K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 563-565
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (373K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 565-566
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (272K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 566-567
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (270K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 567-568
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (266K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 568-569
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (232K)
  • Type: Article
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 570-617
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (3460K)
  • Type: Article
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages 618-622
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (285K)
  • Type: Appendix
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages App1-
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (115K)
  • Type: Cover
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages Cover3-
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (31K)
  • Type: Cover
    1999 Volume 108 Issue 4 Pages Cover4-
    Published: April 20, 1999
    Released: November 30, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (31K)
feedback
Top