SHIGAKU ZASSHI
Online ISSN : 2424-2616
Print ISSN : 0018-2478
ISSN-L : 0018-2478
Volume 111 , Issue 11
Showing 1-22 articles out of 22 articles from the selected issue
  • Type: Cover
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages Cover1-
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Type: Cover
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages Cover2-
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Kyosuke HIKINO
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 1-36,152-151
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    In recent years, the study of Shinto神道priests on the local level has progressed under the historical concept of "social status periphery".Using this concept, historians of the Tokugawa Period have shown a relative instability in the status of Shinto priests in conparison to Buddhist monks, who played the predominate religios role during the period.In an attempt to further clarify such a line of argument, the present paper looks into the organization of Shinto priests in the province of Aki, a region overwhelmingly dominated by the Buddhist Shin Pure Land Sect.For Shinto priests on the social status periphery, one way of escaping such social instability was to organize under the patroage of such influential families as the Yoshidas吉田 and thus ensure their social position.However, intervention by the Yoshida family in the affairs of local Shinto priests was by no means always welcome.On the occasion of the dispatch of agents to adron the shrines of Hiroshima Feud with heihaku幣帛 symbols of worship, the Yoshida family took the opportunity to install purification deputies(注連没頭)in each district for the purpose of registering local Shinto priests.However, such a policy was ineffective due to a lack of organization among the priests in the region.A similar opportunity was presented in 1804 for the Yoshida family to intervene, designed to influence the region for a long time to come.This took advantage of the holding of ceremonies, called kokuonsai国恩祭, for the first time in Hiroshima Feud.They were events that gathered the Shinto priests of each locality together to play for the health and safty of the feudal lordout of gratitude for his benevolence.Such gatherings helped nurture a sense of solodarity and organization among local priests and thus enabled the Yoshida family's intervention of the early 1880s to have a more lasting effect on the region than in the 1740s.The paper concludes that the act of Shinto ritually repaying the feud for its kindness clearly a conscious attempt they were suffering.
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  • Atsutoshi HAMASHIMA
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 37-39
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Masayoshi KAMIYA
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 40-57,151-150
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    The jowa Era Accession Dispute (Jowa-no-Hen承和の変) of AD 842 and the Oten palace Gate Arson Incident (Otenmon-no-Hen応天門の変) of 886 have benn dealt with in the research literature to date as events within the process by which the Fujiwara family concentrated its power during the early Heian period.In this paper, the author considers these two events from a new viewpoint, the idea of kingship.After the Kanm 桓武 imperial line obtained the right of accession to the throne, there was no fixed principle about the line of succession ; rather, the throne was left open to whomever was the most pwerful prince.Also, after Fujiwara Kusuko's unsuccessful coup d'etat attempt in 809, the retired emperors (Daijo-Tenno太上天皇) lost their imperial authority, but continued to influence thier emperor son as their guardians.This state of affairs brought about opposition and factionalism among the Heian aristocracy over the problem of unifying the Saga 嵯峨 -Minmei 仁明 and Junna 淳名 -Tsunesada 恒貞 imperial lines.It was the Jowa Incident that brought the problems and contradictions about kingship during the period to a head.In the aftermath of the incident, the Saga-Ninmei line was legitimized and a principle of direct father to son accession was establishied, bringing about the existence of child emperors.In addition, the influence of the retired emperors was further weakened, as the positon of Daijo-Tenno was left vacant and newly appointed Head Minister of State Fujiwara-no-Yoshifusa 良房 assumed the role of imoerial guardian.In contrast, the Otenmon Incident has been seen as unrelated to the problem of imperial succession.But, in those days, it was considered as a combination of strange happenings, catastrophe and military clashes, as well as a crisis caused by in-fighting among the court aristocrasy.This incident brought to the forefront problems about kingship that had existed since the Jowa Incident : namely, the existence of child emperors and the absence of Daiojo-Tenno.Fujiwara-no-Yoshifusa was still Head Minister of State during the Otenmon Incident, but he was merely a guardian of the emperor and held no actural political power as such.It was by making himself the pffical imoerial regent(Sessho摂政) thar Yoshifusa was able to concentrate power and overcome the crisis.While such a maneuver was supposed to be only a temporary measure, as the first Regent, who was also the maternal grandfather of the emperor, Yoshifusa became the model for the later Fujiwara Regency.
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  • Akihiro SAKAJIRI
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 57-84,150-149
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Most of the Old Tibetan texts unearthed from Dunhuang were written during the period of the Tibetan domination over Gansu and East Turkestan ; however, some of them were written later as shown in the epoch-making paper delivered in Paris in 1979 by Geza Uray, who identified 18 such texts, it has been recognized that the Tibetan language and script continued to be used by non-Tibetans evan after the collapse of the Tibetan Empire and the Tibetan abandonment of Gansu and East Turkestan.Now, the Old Tibetan texts from the Post-Tibetan period are regarded as a bridge over the gap between mid-9c,and 12c.that exists in the history of Tibetan literature.However, little attension has yet been given to the use of the texts as historical sources for Dunhuang's Post-Tivetan period.The purpose of this paper is to inspect the usefulness of these texts from the Post Tibetan period as historical soueces, from the document catalogued as Pelliot Tibetain 1124 in comparison with Chinese documents from same period.As to its form, Pelliot Tibetain 1124 has both Tibetan and Chinese elements in terms of the funciton.The introductory formula of the document coincides with Tibetan correspondence forms addressed from someone higher in rank to someone in a lower position.The document also has square Chinese seals in the style stamping documents used China.Therefore, it is clear for the function of sending the documant from a higher to a lower ranking status holder.What clarified Pelliot Tibetain 1124 is the fact that resident officials of garrisons not only performed military duties, but were also resoponsible for pastoral tasks around the garrison.This document is an offical Tibetan document composed by Cao yuan-de 曹元徳, a military commissioner (jie-du-shi節度使) of the Teturan-to Allegiance Army (Giu-yi-jun帰義軍) in command between 935 and 939.He orders his chif guard (du-ya都衛),inspector (jian-shi監使), and vice-commander of garrison (fu-ya副使), to take care of the pastures around Shouchang 寿昌 garrison (zhen鎮).The author concludes that this document has both Tibetan and Chinese element in the form and that contain useful information on the stock-breedng around garrisons.
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  • Type: Appendix
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 84-
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Osamu TAKAHASHI
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 85-89
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Ken'ichiro KUBO
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 90-97
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Keisuke NOMURA
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 97-105
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Terutoshi SAMURA
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 105-111
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 112-113
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (234K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 113-114
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (249K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 114-115
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 115-116
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (239K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 116-117
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (234K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 117-118
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (221K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 118-119
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (216K)
  • Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 148-120
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (2050K)
  • Type: Article
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages 152-149
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (224K)
  • Type: Appendix
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages App1-
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Type: Cover
    2002 Volume 111 Issue 11 Pages Cover3-
    Published: November 20, 2002
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (44K)
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