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Kazuto HONGO
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2003 Volume 112 Issue 12 Pages
1899-1935
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The present article offers a new view of the important political disturbance within the Kamakura Bakufu that occurred during the eleventh month (shimotsuki霜月) of 1285 in an attempt to clarify the political situation within the Bakufu during its later years.The conventional political history of the incident is based on the assumption that the warrior class was unconditionally one composed of natural administrators.However,the author is not convinced that they were all that knowledgeable about the art of governance at the time the Bakufu was founded.At that time,the local land proprietors of the Kanto region formed a political mechanism known as a "bakufu" to protect their rights,which led to start their carrers as administrators.They learned how to govern only through experience over time.An analysis of the amendments and revisions made to the Seibaishikimoku成敗式目 code shows that the Bakufu only became serious about politics and governance after the civil war of 1221.An excellent example of this is the "welfare" measures to nurture the people (bumin撫民) adopted during the Kencho建長 era (early 1250s).On the other hand,the order issued during the Einin永仁 era concerning debt remission was aimed solely at Bakufu vassals (gokenin御家人) and can hardly be looked upon as an act of governing the country.In this sence,the Bakufu should be looked upon as having two different aspects : people forming the mechanism for the Bakufu to govern the country,and those forming an organization to protect the interests of gokenin.Focussing on the remission of debt issue,we can observe political conflict arising within the Bakufu at the time of the Mongol invasion,which can be interpreted in terms of opposition between the above "administrator" and "gokenin interest" groups,the former being represented by Adachi Yasumori安達泰盛,the latter by Taira Yoritsuna平頼綱.The clash that occurred between them known as the Shimotuski incident resulted in the defeat and decline in influence of the "administrator" group who felt the Bakufu should be involved in governing the whole country.The resulting Bakufu organization,which became over-concerned with protecting the interests of its gokenin constituency,would sooner or later lose the support if the other elements of society,resulting in its eventual fall.
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Akira MORI
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2003 Volume 112 Issue 12 Pages
1936-1959
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Theodor Mommsen was of the opinion that the patricii of ancient Rome had a long-standing right proper to gentes,of letting ancestors who had been dictatores,consules,censores,praetores,magistri equitum or asdiles curules follow in the funeral procession,and of keeping for this purpose their masks (imagines)in the atrium of the house.Afterwords,Mommsen argued,the right was claimed also by the plebs who organized themselves into gentes.It is well-known that Mommsen called this right "ius imaginum".After Mommsen,it was pointed out that the wxpression ius imaginum was a modern creation and does not appear in the classics,but some scholars still believe that there was really a right which can be understood best using this expression and claim to use it as a terminus technicus in the research.However the author's examination of the source materials has led to following conclusions:it was indeed an old practice to show at funerals the imagines of the ancestors who by virtue of holding higher offices had performed great services for the state,and to call their achievments to the minds of fellow-citizens.But with regard to keeping and showing imagines in public,there were no precisely defined right and so far we cannot speak of any "right"per se.The words of Cicero (Verr.II,V,36 und Rab.Post.16),from which ius imaginum was derived,should not be understood as pointing to keeping the imago as such,but as mentioning the chance that magistratus curules can offer for living on in the memory of the future generations by having accomplished achivements.The same Cicero advises a certain Papirii who had flourished until the 3rd century B.C.To be sure,there are indications that ai first it was customary to keep only imagines of agnatic ancestors.Even if that should have been the case,the new nobility which was formed in connection with high offices at the end of the 4th century might have contributed to propagation of the imagines,since they had to win elections in order to acquire offices and tried to capture fellow-citizens' attention by all means possible.In this way by the end of the republic imagines might have become only ornaments which satisfie d the vanity of rich citizens.
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Hidenori MISHINA
Article type: Article
2003 Volume 112 Issue 12 Pages
1959-1982
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There have been many studies of the rural uprisings that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) carried out during the Civil War period.Previous Studies have considered this period of the revolution from a variety of viewpoints,but little attention has been paid to the consequences of socio-economic conditions particular to rural north China during that period.This article seeks to further our understanding of he history of the Chinese Revolution by examining the relationsho between socio-economic conditions and CCP revolutionary polities.After the end of the Sino-Japanese war,the CCP adopted a combination of the anti-traitor movement and the rent & interest reduction movement,constituting a two-pronged approach to the expansion and consolidation of the liberated areas.Owing to their long experience under the Japanese occupation,peasants participated enthusiastically in the anti-traitor movement.On the other hand,the rent & interest reduction movement fell short of CCP expectations,because there were few landlords and few tenants on the north China plain,and landlord-tenant conflict was minimal.The leaders of CCP thought that the rent & interest reduction movement was more important than the anti-traitor movement,since the former was a class-struggle that could liberate peasants,while the latter was not.The CCP leadership thought that the peasants themselves naturally had a "fighting spirit",and blamed the failure of the rent & interest reduction movement on their own rural cadres.As a result,these cadres becames subject to intense psychological pressure,and in some cases disciplinary action.Under these circumstances,the CCP's tural cadres in early 1946 adopted a new understanding of the rural revolition.They regarded traitors as feudal lords,and interpreted the anti-traitor movement as an anti-feudal struggle.This new understanding deviated from the CCP's original theory of revolution,but resulted in a substantial increase in "the anti-feudal struggle"repoted.Faced with this situation,the leaders approved this new understanding as an official understanding of the rural revolution,and issued the May Fourth Directive.
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Shoichi SATO
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2003 Volume 112 Issue 12 Pages
1983-1987
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2003 Volume 112 Issue 12 Pages
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2003 Volume 112 Issue 12 Pages
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