SHIGAKU ZASSHI
Online ISSN : 2424-2616
Print ISSN : 0018-2478
ISSN-L : 0018-2478
Volume 113 , Issue 6
Showing 1-19 articles out of 19 articles from the selected issue
  • Type: Cover
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages Cover1-
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Motoki MURAKAMI
    Type: Article
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages 1027-1065
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Sant Cugat del Valles, a Benedictine monastery in Catalonia (northeastern Spain), established large estates throughout the country of Barcelona, under both the direct and indirect protection of the Carolingian kings and the counts of Barcelona, especially at the end of the tenth century. The well-know ecclesiastical lord of early medieval Catalonia is supposed to have declined in the face of what is referred to as "mutation" or "revolution foedale," which the phenomenon of expanding castle-based lordship apparently caused during the first half of the eleventh century, sweeping aside much of the institutional structure of Visigoth public law, on which the authority of the local counts had been based. This paper explores this "crisis" from the standpoint of the monastery's territorial policy. To begin with, conflicts that occurred between San Cugat and local secular lords over castles and it territory (castrum) on the southeast border of Barcelona country (marca comitatus Barchinonennsis) have been regarded as starting point of the monastery' s decline, but in fact resulted from its rather high-handed claims basad on the Carolingian charters and Liber iudiciorum. During its disputes with secular lords, San Cugat began utilize Carta de Poblacion, or Carta Puebla, which the ruling class (kings, counts, secular and eccelesiastical lords) issued in order to encourage colonization of foreign territories. However, the move was probably not aimed at the colonization of Muslim-held lands or seignorial management in the economic sense, but rather at gaining political and military cooperation from secular lords, especially the local upstarts. On the other hand, San Cugat also seemed to enjoy close ties of cooperation with a particular magistrate in the region. There for, by forming partnerships with powerful local laymen monastely attempted to cope with the troublesome situation in which it had found itself by through the public courts and by its own device.
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  • Natsuki SAITO
    Type: Article
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages 1066-1097
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    It is a well-known fa,ct that the five major Zen temples (Gozan 五山) in medieval Japan, whose abbots were appointed by the Ashikaga during its reign, played an important role in supporting the Bakufu's fiscal budget. In concrete terms, the discussion has turned to the fact that the order appointing Zen temple abbots (kojo 公帖) was widely sold for cash in the form of an official position know as za-kumon 坐公文, which was not directly related to the religious appointment of abbots. However, the issuance of kojo is an issue at the very core of the policy towards Zen temples, so the question arises as to whether or not appointments to za-kumon should be looked upon merely in economic terms as a form of selling kojo. This is the focus of the present article, which attempts to consider the political and religious ramifications of the practice. As a result, the author concludes that rather than constituting a source of revenue for the za-kumon appointments were related more to the expenditures side of the its fiscal ledger. Out of its belief in Zen Buddhism, the Ashikaga regime absorbed and systematized za-kumon payments and used the revenue in its sponsorship (like other members of medieval ruling elite) of such religious projects as the building and repair of temple complexes, sutra copying, and the dispatch of trading ships (the profits from which were used to build and repair temples). However, even more important than such religious sponsorship was the, decision-making process involved in za-kumon appointments. The purpose of such appointments-i.e., the implementation of Buddhist ceremonies and projects-became an important aspect promoting consensus among a ruling class that was on the verge of breaking apart in the midst of civil war. This political aspect of za-kumon certainly can not be understood merely within the framework of the "buying and selling of offices" to accumulate fiscal revenue with no consideration of the "religious grace" emanating from such an act. It was only during the following Sengoku period that revenue from the purchase of za-kumon appointments would go to the treasury or be redistributed as stipends to secular aristocrats within the regime. That is to say, the emphasis on the fiscal aspects of za-humon with no consideration for financing religious activities represents a marked deviation from the essential meaning of the practice.
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  • Ken'ichi MATSUSHITA
    Type: Article
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages 1098-1126
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Epigaphical sources from the Northern Wei period reveal examples of the kingdom being referred to as "Dadal" 大代. During the Song period, Ou Yangxu 欧陽脩 pointed this fact out in his attempt to supplement the historiographical sources, but in the later research, no attempt was made to either list or analyze examples of the name "Dai," resulting in conflicting explanations : one that it is was a common usage, the other that is was not. The present article has gathered together and examined examples from both the historiography, including the Weishu 魏書, and the available epigraphical sources, resulting in the conclusion that even though the term "Dadai" can be found in the Suishu 随書, there is no example of the term in the Weishu (although Emperor Daowu 武道 did use the term Dawei 大魏 apparently). We do find the terms huandai 皇代 and youdai 有代. However, the former is not the name of a kingdom, but means "dynasty," while youdai was used for poetic purposes, leaving us with no concrete examples of their usage as names for the kingdom. On the other hand, Dadai appears frequently in the Northern Wei epigraphy, and from an analysis of four examples, the author concludes the following. With respect to form, examples appear on monuments and in epitaphs and Buddhist inscriptions. As to dating, the term was used beginning in the reign of Emperor Mingyuan 明元, increasing in frequency during Xiaowen's 孝文 reign, then continuing through the reign of Emperor Wen 文 of the Western Wei. Geographically, the examples are limited to the Northern Wei territory, mainly the caves of Yunkang 雲崗, Longmen 龍門 and Dunhuang 敦煌. The terms were used widely by high ranking imperial bureaucrats, Buddhist monks and commoners alike. The name Wei was established by Emperor Daowu as a diplomatic move to legitimize his kingdom vis-a-vis the Western Jin Dynasty. However, internally the term Dadai continued to be used, emphasizing its affiliation with the Dairen 代人, a group which had been formed as a means of integrating the people residing in the vicinity of Pingcheng 平城 during the transition from the Dai 代 Kingdom to the Northern Wei Dynasty.
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  • Haruhisa YUASA
    Type: Article
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages 1127-1134
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Kikuyo TANAKA
    Type: Article
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages 1134-1141
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages 1142-1143
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages 1143-1144
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (247K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages 1144-1146
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (366K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages 1146-1147
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (269K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages 1147-1148
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (250K)
  • Type: Appendix
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages 1149-1150
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Type: Article
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages 1182-1151
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Type: Article
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages 1186-1183
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Type: Appendix
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages App1-
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (37K)
  • Type: Appendix
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages App2-
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (37K)
  • Type: Appendix
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages App3-
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Type: Cover
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages Cover2-
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (35K)
  • Type: Cover
    2004 Volume 113 Issue 6 Pages Cover3-
    Published: June 20, 2004
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (35K)
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