SHIGAKU ZASSHI
Online ISSN : 2424-2616
Print ISSN : 0018-2478
ISSN-L : 0018-2478
Volume 115 , Issue 4
Showing 1-26 articles out of 26 articles from the selected issue
  • Type: Cover
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages Cover1-
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Type: Cover
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages Cover2-
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Kenji YOSHIDA
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 443-485
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    This article is an attempt to clarify the transformation that took place in military operations under the Muromachi shogunate after the violent protests for the remission of the debts that took place around Kyoto in 1441 (Kakitsu-no-Ran), from the time when the shogun's administrative advisors (kanrei) took control of the shogunate until Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimasa assumed leadership. Day to day military affairs during the "kanrei regime" were administered by Bakufu functionaries (bugyonin) and members of the kanrei's personal entourage (uchishu). However, in the midst of the political instability that followed the uprising, it became difficult to gain a consensus among the feudal lords (daimyo) and thus organize an allied army made up of troops led by provincial military governors (shugo). There-fore, regional conflicts that arose during this time would be pacified by local samurai (kokujin) from the nearby provinces coming to the support of the military governor of the province in question. In 1455, when Yoshimasa established firm control of the shogunate, the military system was reorganized mainly by Kanrei Hosokawa Katsumoto and the shogun's close advisor Ise Sadachika, meaning that in addition to the conventional "kanrei route" of reporting incidents to the shogun, a new route was established through Sadachika. However, between 1456 and 1461, the former route gave way to the latter, to the extent that the kanrei's position in military affairs became unclear, while Sadachika became Yoshimasa's advisor in military decision making and information reporting. During that time, troops under allied command of military governors were often deployed to quell regional conflicts, a widespread practice which caused mutiny among troops discontented over conscription, as local-based samurai were being conscripted repeatedly, to a degree of exhaustion. The period from the beginning of Yoshimasa's regime until 1460 was also a time marked by dysfunctionality in the Bakufu's system of military mobilization. It was for the purpose of correcting this problem that coercion was used to muster local-based samurai into service for the shogunate. Yoshimasa's efforts to pacify unruly provincial feudal lords, take back and directly manage proprietorships of religious institutions and mobilize local-based samurai met with failure, and he wound up faced with the rebellion of 1467 (Onin-no-Ran) without a solid military organization made up of those political forces. Yoshimasa's over-reliance on Sadachika had sorely weakened the military role of the kanrei in the Bakufu and caused its eventual hollowing out by the outbreak of the rebellion. The Hosokawa family was forced to conduct its functions as kanrei in isolation from the Bakufu's central bureaucracy. And although Yoshimasa was able to regain his control of the Bakufu through such extreme polarization and the efforts of Ise Sadamune, the Muromachi shogunate would never again play the leading role in conducting military operations.
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  • Yasufumi TOYOOKA
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 486-510
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    This article examines the context in which the Qing Dynasty placed the relationship between the kingdom of Annam's Tay Son Dynasty and pirates during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, in order to show how China legitimized its diplomatic policy when an existing tributary fell and a new one was established. After the Tay Son Dynasty was granted tributary status in 1789, the relationship between Annam and pirates was regarded as a problem by China; but for a number of reasons, the Qing Dynasty avoided bringing the problem to Annam's attention so as not to raise tension between the two kingdoms. However, when China recognized in 1801 that the Tay Son Dynasty was going to collapse, the Qing government accused Annam of instigating piracy in order to legitimize that fall. Then in 1802, when the king of the new Nguyen Dynasty petitioned for tributary status, China granted it on the grounds that Annam was cooperating in dealing with pirates. Within the process of such a policy change, the Qing Dynasty's emphasis on a failing Tay Son Dynasty's relations with pirates extended from actual fact, while in its dealings with the new Nguyen Dynasty, nothing but praise was lavished upon it in dealing with piracy. In both cases, the existence of pirates was used to legitimize China's attitude towards Annam; and from the related documentation, it should be concluded that such legitimization was solely a domestic matter within the Qing court, not diplomatic. Therefore, from the above process, China's basic policy of nonmilitary intervention in Vietnam after its unsuccessful attempt to do so in 1789 was consistent, but was legitimized for different reasons, and pronouncements regarding the intimate relationship that existed between Annam and pirates was none other than an attempt to legitimize diplomatic policy within the Qing court.
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  • Hyoung Sik Lee
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 510-534
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    This article attempts an analysis of how colonial officials perceive reality, make policy decisions and what motivates them to change those policies. The tremendous shock suffered by Japanese political leaders in the wake of the Korean independence movement that spread throughout the country from the nationalist demonstration that was staged in Seoul on 1 March 1919 brought about a fundamental reassessment of colonial policy and a heated debate concerning what was to be done. In the proposals that were offered by various policymakers we find varying degrees of warmth with respect to their perceptions about Korea as well as how to rule that country. Following the demonstrations, Japanese Prime Minister Hara Takashi, a territorial expansionist, called for a top-down approach involving a complete replacement of the top officials serving in the Governor-General's Office. In contrast, the staff of the Governor-General's police-state organization, who had been encouraged to be strongly independent-minded, opposed any unilateral moves, arguing that the situation in Korea was unique, and called for a new governance policy that reflected the actual state of the colony. It was these two approaches that would form the battle lines over which the rapid-fire reforms that were made in colonial institutions and their legal framework would be fought. Furthermore, the staff of the Governor-General's Office had after World War I toured Europe, North America and their colonies, enabling them to see first how the world was being decolonized, and this experience greatly influenced their new vision of how Korea should be governed. The sudden appointment of former Hyogo Prefectural Governor Ariyoshi Chuichi as the inspector general of political affairs in the Governor-General's Office created a new aspect to its operations. For example, the appointment of an inspector general who did not have any political connections in the Imperial Diet posed serious problems in terms of obtaining budget allocations and policy cooperation there, especially when the prosperity brought about by the War, which had made possible the aggressive cultural assimilation agenda pushed forward by Hara and Interior Minister Mizuno Rentaro, took a turn for the worst with the post-War depression that began in 1920. Consequently, as the aggressive Japanization policy promoted by the Prime Minister began to lose steam, head of the Governor-General's Home Bureau Otsuka Jozaburo attempted to jumpstart the agenda by proposing a reorganization of the colonial order through the establishment of a "Korean Parliament", which would be given autonomy over such domestic affairs as education and industry.
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  • Fumitaka HAYASHI
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 535-543
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Yukio NEZU
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 543-553
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 554-556
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 556-557
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 557-559
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 559-560
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 560-561
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 561-562
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 562-564
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 564-565
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 565-566
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 566-567
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 567-568
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 568-569
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [Author not found]
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 610-606
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages 605-570
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Type: Appendix
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages App1-
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (38K)
  • Type: Appendix
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages App2-
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (38K)
  • Type: Appendix
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages App3-
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (38K)
  • Type: Cover
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages Cover3-
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (32K)
  • Type: Cover
    2006 Volume 115 Issue 4 Pages Cover4-
    Published: April 20, 2006
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (32K)
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