SHIGAKU ZASSHI
Online ISSN : 2424-2616
Print ISSN : 0018-2478
ISSN-L : 0018-2478
Volume 121 , Issue 2
Showing 1-20 articles out of 20 articles from the selected issue
  • Type: Cover
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages Cover1-
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Type: Cover
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages Cover2-
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (27K)
  • Yutaka OSHIMIZU
    Type: Article
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages 161-198
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    At the beginning of 238, a revolt broke out at Thysdrus against the regime of Maximinus Thrax in the Africa Proconsularis. Despite the suppression of the revolt in the span of three weeks, the Senate of Rome continued to resist the emperor, who was assassinated at Aquileia during his march on Rome. The purpose of this article is to reconsider the situation in North Africa at the time in question through mainly African inscriptions. The article begins with a discussion of the origin of the revolt. Herodian says that it was caused by the avarice of the emperor and his procurator. Many scholars have accepted this explanation and think that their avarice means the increased tax burden on Africa due to the war on the northern frontier. However, the African provinces were enjoying stability during this so-called "3 rd century crisis" following the revolt, leading the author to conclude that the tax burden could not have been unbearable in Africa at the time. Others consider the revolt to have been an effort by municipal leaders sharing the views of the Senate, which detested the military emperor, and some point to an "African" revolt by the region's peasantry against Roman rule. However, the author argues that more attention should be paid to the fact that the city of Thysdrus was a municipium liberum, which was exempt from taxation and could block any intervention by proconsuls. Since the inhabitants of the city enjoyed these privileges, they were free to refuse any demands of imperial officials they opposed. In other words. at the beginning of the revolt, it was the identity as "people of Thysdrus," rather than "Romans" or "Africans," that played an important role. Next, the article turns to the epitaph of L. Aemilius Severinus (CIL, VIII, 2170=ILS, 8499=ILAlg., I, 3598), which eulogizes his death being caused by his "love for Rome." The deceased seems to have been a municipal leader of Thysdrus who shared the values of the Roman Senate; but it is not certain because the epitaph was discovered in a suburb of the city of Theveste. The gravestone used was of simple manufacture, and its shape was unique to North African culture, while the deceased's agnomen shows the influence of Greek culture. Therefore, in spite of the expression, "love for Rome," he should not be considered simply "Roman" in character, but rather as living in a society characterized by a hybrid culture formed under Roman rule. The author concludes that the revolt of 238 was raised by the citizens of Thysdrus, who were determined to continue enjoying their privileges and honor, and then was joined by many "Africo-Romans" of the region's hybrid-culture. Since the participants of the revolt claimed a variety of identities, such as "Roman," "African," and "Thysdrusian," the revolt should not be simplified as merely a "pro-senate" or "African" rising, but rather as reflecting a far more complex cultural situation characterizing Roman Africa at the time.
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  • Norihiro OHTSUKA
    Type: Article
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages 199-226
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    The present article focuses on changes that were taking place in the routes and forms of trade involving the transport of Chinese goods between the late Heian and late Kamakura period, in an attempt to clarify the character of the China trade in Japan and the involvement in it by the Kamakura Bakufu. During the Heian period, when Japan's foreign trade was managed under the directorship of hakata goshu 博多綱首, Chinese shipowners residing at the Song Dynasty quarters in the port of Hakata, shoen estate proprietors in Kyoto were obtaining Chinese goods through powerful local estate managers for the purpose of gift-giving. During the final years of the period, aristocrats, including imperial regent Taira-no-Kiyomori and cloistered emperor Goshirakawa, began to participate in foreign trade for the purpose of profiting from the import of Chinese copper coins, as connections were established between the shoen estate proprietary elite in Kyoto and the hakata goshu. Then during the early Kamakura period, such influential members of that Kyoto elite as the Saionji and Kujo Families invested such capital goods as lumber in the import of copper coins, etc., thus also forming contract trade relations with the hakata goshu. However, between the middle and late Kamakura period, a change occurred in the character of the China trade from contracting with Chinese shipowners to directly dispatching trade envoys from the Kamakura Bakufu and allied Buddhist temples as passengers on trade ships. The author argues that the reason behind such a transformation was that Japanese shippers were assuming a larger share of the traffic than their Chinese counterparts. Concerning shipping routes during the time in question, at its early stage, the Bakufu would entrust through the agency of the Dazaifu Imperial Headquarters of Kyushu such precious materials as sulphur and gold as capital to the hakata goshu, who would also act as the venture's Chinese interpreter (gobun tsuji 御分通事). Upon transaction of trade, the ship would return to Japan via Hakata headed for Wakaejima, a port island off the coast of Kamakura, with its cargo of copper coins, ceramics and the like. Although the account that the 3rd Shogun Minamoto-no-Sanetomo dispatched an envoy to Mt. Yandang in Zhejiang Province cannot be verified, it is true that by mid-period it became possible to dispatch trading ships directly from Kamakura. As goshu of Japanese descent increased in number from the mid-Kamakura period on, the Bakufu altered its trade arrangements from hiring designated Chinese contractors to entrusting capital to reliable Buddhist priests, who would be dispatched directly to China as importers of copper coins and other necessities of Chinese manufacture. The account alleging that Sanetomo dispatched these clerical merchants for the purpose of obtaining a tooth from the funeral ashes of Gautama Buddha of course embellishes upon this actual transformation that took place in trade policy.
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  • Yuji KUBOTA
    Type: Article
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages 226-250
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    This article follows the development process of the problems surrounding the Sino-Japanese Hanyeping Iron and coal Company joint venture, in order to clarify the historical role of Group 3 in Japan's "Twenty-One Demands" issued to the Republic of China in January 1915. After China's Xinhai Revolution (1911), Hanyeping was nationalized by the government and designated as a public-private sector joint venture. The Japanese response to this move was split between opposition and conditional approval factions. While the Japanese Foreign Ministry was opposed from the beginning, the Yokohama Specie Bank switched its position from against to in favor, in order to protect its credit obligations. Furthermore, as the question of the Sino-Japanese joint venture demanded in 1915 developed, the Foreign Ministry and the Specie Bank were also divided over the means by which the new Hanyeping would be set up, showing that the attitude towards the venture in Japan was by no means uniform. The Specie Bank promised to lend fiscally ailing Hanyeping 15 million yen, a move which ensured Japanese financial control over the venture and also marked the point where Great Britain was forced to recognize Japan's monopolistic relationship with Hanyeping. At the outbreak of the First World War in July 1914 and the consequent temporary withdrawal of European presence, the Chinese government took the opportunity to recapture its interests, while the Japanese government sought to strengthen its. Therefore, the clash of interests that took place between the two countries resulted in Japan's issuance of the Twenty-One Demands, the third group of which concerned Hanyeping. While, the first demand of Group 3 can be praised for focusing on the formation of the joint venture as representing common aims and strengthening existing interests, the second demand, which stipulated that no mining venture could be attempted in China without Hanyeping's approval, strongly reflects the machinations of the Japanese Foreign Ministry. Moreover, the ambiguous wording of these demands drew strong reaction from both Great Britain, which claimed that its interests in the Yangtze River Basin would be violated, and China, which complained about Japanese intervention in its internal affairs. There was also much concern over the possibility that Group 3 would change the whole landscape of Chinese-Japanese-British relations in the Yangtze Basin. Consequently, the Japanese Foreign Ministry was forced to rescind the second demand in order for the problems surrounding Group 3 to be settled, a fortunate outcome which dashed the ambitions of the Ministry regarding the Yangtze Basin.
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  • Chihiro OISHIO
    Type: Article
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages 251-258
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Akiko MIEDA
    Type: Article
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages 258-266
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Atsushi AOKI
    Type: Article
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages 266-275
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Namio ITO
    Type: Article
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages 275-284
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages 285-286
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages 286-287
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (254K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages 287-288
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (249K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages 288-289
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
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  • [Author not found]
    Type: Article
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages 322-318
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • [Author not found]
    Type: Article
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages 317-290
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
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  • Type: Appendix
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages App1-
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (36K)
  • Type: Appendix
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages App2-
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (36K)
  • Type: Appendix
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages App3-
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
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    Download PDF (36K)
  • Type: Cover
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages Cover3-
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (34K)
  • Type: Cover
    2012 Volume 121 Issue 2 Pages Cover4-
    Published: February 20, 2012
    Released: December 01, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (34K)
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