SHIGAKU ZASSHI
Online ISSN : 2424-2616
Print ISSN : 0018-2478
ISSN-L : 0018-2478
Volume 87 , Issue 9
Showing 1-18 articles out of 18 articles from the selected issue
  • Type: Cover
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages Cover1-
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Type: Cover
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages Cover2-
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Mio Nakayama
    Type: Article
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages 1269-1301,1406
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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    The main available materials for rice price data in the first half of Ch'ing are officials' private reports to the emperor (tsou-che), miscellanious writings of the literati, and the records of natural calamities in the local gazetteers. Because of the lack of uniformity of weights and measures in the Ch'ing period, we cannot discuss the trend of rice prices simply by comparing price figures, but must also rely heavily on the accounts of contemporary observers. Rice prices had been rising since the end of the Wan-li Period (1573-1620) and went up sharply after the 10th-11th year of Ch'ung-chen (1628-44). Although these high prices continued to obtain throughout the earlier half of the Shun-chih period (1644-61), the widespread starvation witnessed in Ch'ung-chen was no longer found. Rice prices declined from the second half of Shun-chih until the early k'ang-hsi period (1662-1722), and this brought about the rural depression remarked upon with the saying "The cheapness of grain distresses the farmers" (ku-chien shang-nung 穀賎傷農). The decline was followed by a gradual rise after the mid-k'ang-hsi period and then a sudden upward surge in early Ch'ien-lung (1736-95) which caused rice-riots. Prices continued to rise throughout the later Ch'ien-lung period, and this rise is thought to have been accompa-nied by economic prosperity.
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  • Hironori Miyamatsu
    Type: Article
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages 1302-1327,1404-
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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    La vicaria et le vicarius sont des plus importants problemes pour ceux qui font des recherches sur les institutions judiciaires de la France medievale. Comme le dit M. Chedeville, nous croyons qu'un grand pas serait fait si l'on pouvait clairement demeler ce que fut la vicaria. Cependant, on est oblige d'avouer que ce probleme demeure encore dans bien des obscurites. A propos de ce probleme, l'article de M. Lot est encore fondamental. Et dans sa these, la destinee du vicarius carolingien et le contenu de la vicaria a l'epoque feodale ont fait surtout l'objet d'une discussion. Ainsi, en tenant compte de ces points discutes, nous avons tente d'appliquer ses vues au Poitou. Voici le resume de ce que nous avons pu tirer. Dans les documents poitevins, le mot vicaria est pris dans le double sens de territoire et de droit. La vicaria au sens de territoire designe la circonscription inferieure du pagus, et elle subsiste jusqu'au debut du XI^e siecle. Bien qu'apres cela, on ne peut plus guere trouver cette vicaria dans les textes et bien que la proportion de territoires d'immunite ecclesiastique et laique ait aussi grandi beaucoup a l'interieur de cette circonscription, il ne semble pas que cela ait abouti a l'effondrement complet. La vicaria au sens de droit est avant tout la justice, mais ce n'est tres rare que nous la rencontrions dans le sens explicite de la haute justice. D'ailleurs, ce mot designe les profits de la justice, et c'est confirme, notamment lorsqu'il est employe en rapport avec le vicarius. Enfin, il arrive a contenir des elements de redevance, au fur et a mesure de l'evolution des attributions du vicarius. Jusqu' au debut du XI^e siecle, le comte accaparait le droit de vicaria, mais ensuite ce droit passa aussi aux mains des vicomtes. Et ce n'est que dans la seconde moitie de ce siecle que les chatelains en furent exempts de l'application et purent en disposer librement. Le vicarius carolingien avait quelques subvicarii comme ses auxiliaires, et exercait une partie du pouvoir comtal dans sa circonscription. Mais, nous ne pouvons trouver aucun temoignage qui prouve que sa competence se bornait a la police et a la basse justice. Depuis la fin du X^e siecle, par l'institution du prepositus, le vicarius en est reduit a devenir son inferieur. Enfin, le droit de proceder a l'examen et de rendre un jugement a la cour est attribue au prepositus, la fonction du vicarius est restreinte au droit d'intervention et d'arrestation et la perception d'une amende. Bien qu'on trouve certains vicarii carolingiens qui transmettent la fonction par heredite, leurs ressources furent trop modestes pour etablir une solide famille et s'elever au rang de chatelain.
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  • Jun Kurihara
    Type: Article
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages 1328-1353,1402-
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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    This paper studies the evolution of the Meiji government's policy towards Ryukyu after the abolition of clans and the establishment of prefectures. The aim of this policy was the definition of Ryukyu's affiliation with Japan. The first concrete plan was that proposed by Inoue Kaoru 井上馨, undersecretary of the Treasury, in July 1872. This was followed by counterproposals from the Left Chamber of the Legislative Council and the Foreign Office. The three sets of recommendations were examined in the Central Chamber of the Supreme Council and in the upshot Shotai 尚泰, the king of Ryukyu, was invested with the title of Han-O 藩王 in October that year. At the same time, Ryukyu's diplomatic policy was placed under the control of the Foreign Office in Tokyo. What pushed the government into so early an establishment of its' policy was an incident in which most of the Miyako islanders who had drifted ashore on Formosa were murdered by aborigines, known as seiban 生蕃, in the winter of 1871. The incident, which was reported to Japan by Yanagihara Sakimitsu 柳原前光, then in China, soon attracted the attention of the samurai class of Kagoshima. There thereupon began the samurai agitation for sending troops to Formosa that was to be closely intertwined with the policy of defining Ryukyu's affiliation to Japan. Soejima 副島, the Foreign Minister, visited China in March 1873. It could be argued that his most impotant mission on this occasion was negotiation about the incident with the Chinese government, Knowing that the voice for a Formosan expedition was becoming prevelent, Soejima made an attentive Study of possible policies towards China - including that of sending troops to Formosa - in co-operation with Le Gendre, the former American Consul at Among, The latter's main argument was that the Seiban-chi 生蕃地 - "land of uncivilized abovigines" - was not under the rule of the Chinese government, but unpossessed. Soejima also obtained the pledge of the Chinese foreign minister that the seiban-chi was kegai 化外, outside the pale of Chinese civilization. He therefore concluded that preconditions for a Japanese expedition to Formosa had been established. Subsequently, however, Soejima went into opposition as a result of the split in the government over the question of an expedition to Korea, and so the plan for a Formosan expedition was shelved. But early in February 1874, when people were preoccupied with the asault upon Iwakura Tomomi 岩倉具視 and the outbreak of the Saga Revolt, Okubo Toshimichi 大久保利通 had a cabinet meeting decide abruptly to carry the plan out. The Japanese government maintained that the seiban-chi was unpossessed and uncivilized, and that China was not concerned and should be excluded. The ministers of the Western powers, however, having got wind of the Japanese policy, asked the Japanese government whether or not the Chinese government had assented to the proposed expedition. Great Britain and the United States in particular made a declaration of nonco-operation, and as a result the Japanese government was forced to cancel the expedition. Saigo Tsugumichi's 西郷従道 subsequent high-handed dispatch of troops to Formosaled to Sino-Japanese relations becoming extremely strained. The dispute between the two counties centered around the question of the clain to the seiban-chi. The Chinese government, claiming that the whole of Formosa was in the possession of China, insisted that the Japanese troops should be withdrawn, while the Japanese gogernment maintained that the seiban-chi was unpossessed. Sino-Japanese relations remained strained until the outbreak of war seemed imminent in July and August 1874. In the end, however, neither country declared war : on the Japanes side, the army was opposed to war and funds were insufficient, while on the Chinese side coastal defence was weak. The matter was refered to the negotiations between Okubo and Kung

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  • S. Fujita
    Type: Article
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages 1354-1360
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • T. Abe
    Type: Article
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages 1360-1367
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • A. Otagi
    Type: Article
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages 1367-1372
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages 1373-1374
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages 1374-1375
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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    Download PDF (283K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages 1375-1377
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Type: Appendix
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages 1377-
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Type: Article
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages 1378-1401
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Type: Article
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages 1402-1404
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Type: Article
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages 1405-
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Type: Article
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages 1406-
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Type: Cover
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages Cover3-
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (46K)
  • Type: Cover
    1978 Volume 87 Issue 9 Pages Cover4-
    Published: September 20, 1978
    Released: October 05, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (46K)
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