SHIGAKU ZASSHI
Online ISSN : 2424-2616
Print ISSN : 0018-2478
ISSN-L : 0018-2478
Volume 88 , Issue 2
Showing 1-18 articles out of 18 articles from the selected issue
  • Type: Cover
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages Cover1-
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Type: Cover
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages Cover2-
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Keiji Nakamura
    Type: Article
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages 137-174,272-27
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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    During the Six Dynasties period, particularly the Southern Dynasties, the fact known as "the Distinction between Shih 士 (Scholars) and Shu 庶 (Commoners)" is conspicuous. This fact is found in the various aspects of the society : marriage, social intercourse, official appointment, implication in penal law, corvee obligation, the education system and criminal law. This paper is an attempt to explain one part of the special characteristics of the State and its social structure during the Six Dynasties period by a study of these distinctions. "The Distinction between Shih and Shu" can be divided into two types. One type has the social position of the individual and the clan as its standard. Discriminations in marriage and social intercourse belong to this type. The other type takes the existence of political privileges of the individual and the clan as its standard. Differences in treatment before criminal law and with respect to corvee obligations, etc., belong to this type. These facts, then, permit us to suppose that there were two aspects to the Shih and Shu. Conclusively speaking, the Shih and Shu fundamentally existed as social groups. In local village society, once a person was rated among villagers as being fit to become a bureaucrat, he obtained Hsiang-P'in 郷品 (the qualification for bureaucratic rank) and was included among the group of bureaucratic candidates. Though the majority of them were soon to become bureaucrats, even if this was not the case, people who had obtained Hsiang-P'in had a special existence in local village society. In their own time or after the accumulation of such individuals in the family lineage, these people formed the special social group, that is, Shih. The group of villagers who were excluded from this group was called Shu. Thus, the authority of the Emperor did not interfere at all with the formation of a status group called Shih or Shu. Therefore they may be said to be social groups. The Shih and Shu that constituted such social status groups had a strictly differentiated existence as members of local village society. The Shih and Shu, however, were not distinguished in this way as subjects of the Emperor. This was due to the fact that obligations and privileges due as Imperial subjects were given out by Imperial authority, and that in making such grants both groups alike as subjects were in principle subject to the same treatment. Furthermore, it was because these obligations and privileges were granted on the basis of whether the person was an Imperial bureaucrat or not. Thus, at this point, a status order with bureaucratic rank as its momentum was formed and it was also known as Shih and Shu. From its organization we can say that it was the Shih and Shu as a political rank. These types of Shih and Shu were not perfectly mutually corresponding, but were completely separate heterogeneous groups, yet at the same time they were reciprocally regulated. In particular, the formation of Shih and Shu as political rank was strongly regulated by the existence of Shih and Shu as social group. For this reason the political ruling structure with the authority of the Emperor at the apex had to make this social class system inherent, and the result of that was to have a stratified structure that corresponded with the social class system. The conspicuousness of "the Distinction between Shih and Shu" was determined by this historical nature : in the Six Dynasties period, there was a strengthened and actualized Social class system and the Imperial authority, while internalizing the system, had to build up the political ruling structure. Subsequently the special characteristics of the aristocracy in the Southern Dynasties period owe much to such a historical nature.
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  • Hiroya Yamamoto
    Type: Article
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages 175-190,270
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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    In this essay, the author analyses the content of an informal, private communication (origami-form) from the Kujo Family document collection, addressed to Kanezane from Yoritomo. Despite the fact that the latter part of the communication and, therefore, the date are missing, from its content it can be assumed that Yoritomo wrote it sometime in the fifth month of Bunji 2 (1186). While the communication is Yoritomo's response to a request by Kanezane for an opinion concerning certain rather public matters of political organization, it must be stressed that diplomatically this exchange was strictly of a private nature. Moreover probably because of the letter's personal form, its historical significance has been heretofore overlooked. However, as the author observes, from this communication, new facts have surfaced which help to clarify the true nature of the political relationships between Yoritomo, Kanezane and Go-Shirakawa-In. Specifically the author observes : (1)that the kiroku-jo established in Bunji 3 (1187), which up till now was thought to be founded by Yoritomo, was clearly Kanezane's idea. (2)that the political dealings between the Bunji era "triumvirate" can be summarized as follows : A)Kanezane sought Yoritomo's support and used that support as a background for furthering his personal interests at court. B)Go-Shirakawa-In, while continuously applying political pressure to Kanezane, took a prudent attitude in dealing with Yoritomo, and adeptly managed to avoid acting on any of Yoritomo's demands. C)Yoritomo, while promising support to Kanezane, was by no means able to dictate policy to Go-Shirakawa-In.
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  • Masami Arai
    Type: Article
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages 191-211,269
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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    Turkish nationalist thought had some peculiar conditions in its earliest stage. One of them was that in the Ottoman Empire where a great many Turks lived and which is now transformed into the Turkish Republic, they did not regard themselves as Turks when the glimmering of nationalism appeared among the Turks under Russian rule in the latter half of the nineteenth century. The main purpose of this essay is to examine the development of that nationalist thought in the Ottoman Empire after the Young Turks Revolution in 1908 through the thought of Ziya Gokalp (1876-1924), a father of Turkish nationalism. Since Professor Niyazi Berkes tried to distinguish Turkism (Turkcukuk) from Turanianism (Turancilik), Ziya Gokalp has come to be regarded as a Turkist (Turkcu), but not as a Turanianist (Turanci). But he certainly had a Pan-Turanian dream and even after the founding of the Republic he did not completely abandon it. Furthermore this dream still seems to survive in the minds of a considerable number of Turkish people even in the present day. And strangely, on the other hand, while he was active as a nationalist he was unable to abandon the idea of Ottomanism (Osmanlicilik) as long as the Empire remained. Next we investigate how he coped with the overwhelming power of the West that surged onto the Turks. He advocated the entire acceptance of Western civilization. According to him, a national culture (hars) was quite different from an international civilization (medeniyet), and because the Turks had the best culture in the world they need not hesitate in accepting Western civilization. He also tried to give a fresh breath of air to Islam, that had not been able to adapt itself to the times, by stressing the importance of extra-judical civil usage (orf). In a word, he emphasized living in the modern civilized world as a "Muslim-Turk".
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  • N. Sugano
    Type: Article
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages 212-218
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • M. Nakayama
    Type: Article
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages 218-225
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • T. Yoshimura
    Type: Article
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages 225-234
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages 235-236
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages 236-237
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages 237-238
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages 238-239
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Type: Appendix
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages 240-247
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Type: Appendix
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages 248-
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Type: Article
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages 249-268
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Type: Article
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages 269-272
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Type: Appendix
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages App1-
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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  • Type: Cover
    1979 Volume 88 Issue 2 Pages Cover4-
    Published: February 20, 1979
    Released: October 05, 2017
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