Only four colours, white, blue, red and black, appear through the whole description of the Kojiki (古事記). In the mythical part of the book, white and blue are always connected with Takama-ga-hara (高天原) -the heaven-, and in the part on human histories in which the social order is described, the two colours are always connected with emperors. In the same way, red is related to the Izumo (出雲) area and to queens and princes, and black to Yomi-no-kuni (黄泉国) -the world of death- as well as to subjects of emperors. These colours are also applied systematically to the names of places appearing in the Kojiki. Especially throughout the district of Yamato (倭), white is set to Yoshino (吉野) and Asuka (飛鳥), blue to the mountain area around the Yamato basin, and red to Miwa (三輪) and Katsuragi (葛城). Yoshino, being the area where the emperor Tenmu (天武) staged his coup d'etat, became the "Mecca" of his dynasty. It was in Asuka that his palace was lccated. At Miwa, there is the shrine of Omononushi-no-kami (大物主神), who assisted the emperor's control in economic matters ; and at Katsuragi, there is the shrine of Kotoshironushi-no-kami (事代主神), who supported him in political matters. If you draw a white line between Yoshino and Asuka, and then draw a red line between Miwa and Katsuragi, you will find that the two lines cross at right angles on the map and that they form the figure of a bird spreading its wings in flight. In the fifteenth year of the emperor Tenmu's era, he gave the name "Sucho" (朱鳥) -a holy red bird- to that year and retrospectively called the past years of his reign "Byakuho" (白鳳) -a white phoenix. He also gave the name Asuka (飛鳥) to his capital. Of the two Chinese characters which form the term Asuka the "pillow words" of which are "Tobu-tori-no", the former means "flying" and the latter "a bird". From such an analysis of terms like Sucho, Byakuho and Asuka we can conclude that they originated from a predetermined design of the unknown author of the Kojiki.

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The purpose of this study is to clarify a tremendous role the reformed monasticism played during the formation of feudal society through the aid of a necrology of the Cluniac priory, Munchenwiler, that is the most extensive of all the medieval necrologies. We have reached the following conclusions : 1)Necrology was a monastic register for mutual intercession of the monks. In the High Middle Ages, almost all the Benedictine monks were elevated to priesthood and they formed a privileged group consisting of men of prayer (oratores). 2)The monks' raison d'etre was to intercede for lay patrons. They were enrolled in Cluny's Book of Life (Liber Vitae) and commemorated in the elaborate and extended Cluniac liturgy. 3)Reformed monasticism became an accelarating element of the downfall of the Carolingian monarchy. Through the contract of precaria with monastic establishments, there arose increasingly two separate classes, that is, warriors (bellatores) and peasants (laboratores). Furthermore the cooperation of new nobility and reformed monasticism brought about the disintegration of territories of the old monasteries (Saint-Germain-des-Pres, Saint Bertin and Saint Denis etc. ...) and undermined the administrative unit of the Carolingian Empire, namely, pagus (=dioecesis). 4)The emergence of new corps d'Elite, namely, a body of men of prayer came to secularize the traditional sacredness of the king. In France, the secular and spiritual power had been actually separated by the first half of the eleventh century. This de facto distinction between the secular (temporalia) and religious power (spiritualia), we might say, decided the character of the French Investiture Controversy.

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After the Russo-Japanese War, the electrical power industry achieved rapid progress in hydroelectric enterprises as a result of technological innovations in methods for high capacity hydroelectric energy generation and in techniques for long distance high voltage electricity transfer. Correspondingly, the Ministry of Communications under the second Katsura Cabinet changed its electric power policy from one of mere technological management to a genuine set of industrial measures. The policy during this period was characterised by : 1)water utilization measures based on actual surveys and aiming at effective hydroelectric energy development ; 2)legal preparations which would become a basic code for the administration of the electrical industry. In these political measures we can identify two tendencies, one protective and one regulatory. While the economic community's interests at this time were aimed at developing a manufacturing sector capable of supplying a cheap, industrial-use energy substitute for coal, at the same time, the communications bureaucracy, headed by Minister Goto Shimpei and hoping to play a role in encouraging industrial progress, was working to expand its policies for nurturing electrical endeavors through such measures as The Hydroelectric Surveys of 1910 which presented fundamental data on possible water use areas, and legal codes which would provide for the security necessary in the construction of power lines. On the other hand, the communications bureaucracy was expanding its administrative regulations policy for the purpose of securing stability and economy for electrically powered public services like railroads and sea transport, which from an economic point of view were indispensable, basic industries. The most important regulations were those for the authorization of power rates, but in the Parliament, because of strong opposition from the Seiyukai which was backed by large capitalist interests such as Tokyo Electric Light Co., Ltd, these regulations were reduced to the government's right to merely issue rate changes. As a result of this parliamentary setback, in urban areas the Ministry of Communications changed the direction of its sanctioning from monopoly authorization to supply electric power for lighting to overlapping authorizations, thereby indirectly adopting a regulatory policy position of encouraging competition and so lowering rates. We can also see these kinds of administrative measures which emphasized production for the public interest present in the transportation policies concerning railroads and shipping during and after the Russo-Japanese War. In conclusion, by arguing that from the viewpoint of administrative policy, regulatory measures were a common characteristic in the economic planning policies of the Ministry of Communications after the Russo-Japanese War, we can see a marked difference between industrial policy during the above period and that of the Sino-Japanese post-war period in which industrial independence and production expansion were emphasized in relation to the basic industries such as railroads and shipping.

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