史学雑誌
Online ISSN : 2424-2616
Print ISSN : 0018-2478
ISSN-L : 0018-2478
91 巻, 10 号
選択された号の論文の16件中1~16を表示しています
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. Cover1-
    発行日: 1982/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. Cover2-
    発行日: 1982/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 後藤 篤子
    原稿種別: 本文
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. 1513-1551,1649-
    発行日: 1982/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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    Sidonius' Carmina et Epistulae offers invaluable information about Gaul in the 5th century, which was a theater of progressive transformation from Antiquity into early-medieval German society. The purpose of this article is to consider Sidonius' idea and its metamorphosis in response to the changing realities of those days. This would help us understand the mentality and historical role of the Gallo-Roman aristocracy in this period. Sidonius' idea and its metamorphosis which can be deduced from his works in this article are as follows. His first panegyricus on Western Emperor Avitus, his father-in-law, shows his enthusiasm for "Gallicanism", a spirit he shared with the Gaulish senators. This panegyricus, on the other hand, demonstrates how the adherents of "Gallicanism" railed against the Italian government and senators who placed more emphasis on the defense of Italy than on that of Gaul. The "Gallicanism" that we can see therein never aimed at a separation of Gaul from the Roman Empire. This nature of his "Gallicanism" is also illustrated by the fact that Sidonius did not participate in the plot known as coniuratio Marcelliana. This fact and the dedication of his second panegyricus to Emperor Majorian, who had been an enemy of Avitus, illustrate how Sidonius' "Romanism" could easily overcome his sympathy for "Gallicanism". After Ricimer assassinated Majorian, Sidonius perceived the weakness of the Western Roman Empire evidenced by the expansion of the German tribes and Ricimer's dominance from behind the throne. In his third panegyricus on Emperor Anthemius, his "Romanism" was all the more energetic. Therein, he appealed for cooperation between the Eastern and Western Empires to save the Roman World. Sidonius' poems and letters show his "anti-Germanism". For him, what distinguished the Romans from the Germans was possession of Latin culture. In his mind, Latin literature was the essence of Romanitas, a spiritual link between all members of the nobility, and a scale by which to measure a man's value. At the same time, he encouraged the holding of public offices by the nobility as an opportunity to demonstrate loyalty to the Empire and to reveal "Romanism". For Sidonius, the only imaginable materialization of Romanitas was the Roman Empire, which had guaranteed the political, economic, social, and cultural privileges that he enjoyed as a Roman senator. He had retained, therefore, his loyalty to the Empire and, after being appointed to the bishopric of Clermont-Ferrand, he became a spiritual leader in the Gallo-Roman resistance against the Visigothic siege of Clermont. The result was, however, the cession of Auvergne to the Visigoth, which Sidonius viewed as a barbarous outcome and the ruin of the Roman Empire's last chance to develop into the materialization of Romanitas. From that point on, Sidonius was separated spiritually from the Roman Empire. This, however, never meant that he left behind his ideal of Romanitas completely. While concealing his "anti-Germanism", Sidonius insisted on his Roman spiritual superiority over the Germans. On the one hand, Latin culture became more and more valuable to him as a symbol of Roman nobility. Meanwhile, because of his experiences during the siege of Clermont, Catholicism began to occupy an increasingly important place in Sidonius' "Romanism". After the collapse of the Roman Empire, from Sidonius' point of view, Catholicism became a spiritual anchor which he hoped could sustain German-governed Gaul as a "Roman Gaul". The Catholic church became the sole remaining base of Romanitas. The holding of the episcopate, as a substitute of public office, became a tenet of his "Romanism". Devotion to Catholicism meant devotion to Romanitas for Sidonius. In truth

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  • 大豆生田 稔
    原稿種別: 本文
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. 1552-1585,1647-
    発行日: 1982/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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    From about the end of the 19th century the supply of rice, the staple grain in Japan, gradually became insufficient, and then the rise of its price developed an important food problem. The problem became more serious in the 1920's, owing to the expanding consumption particularly manifested after the rice riot, Kome-sodo. The integrative resolution of the food policy problem was to keep the rice price at low level with increased self-supply of food within Japan and its colonies. Therefore the food policy in this period should be interpreted as the extensive measures which consisted of the promotion of the production of rice and the regulation of its price in the market. The aim of this article is to examine the food policy of the 1920's, limiting the discussion to the recognition of the problem by the government and the political plans and the practical measures taken by the government. In the early 1920's the government began to increase the production of rice in an effort to resolve the problem. But this measure was not effective, for the undersupply of rice grew worse. Therefore the government had to adopt the policy of importing rice from abroad in order to keep its price at low level. In mid 1920's, however, the demand of home-grown and Korean rice increased and this could not be substituted by the imported rice, henceforth the price of rice rose. The achievement of self-supply of food became an urgent problem under these conditions and then the food policy was reconstituted to encourage the production of rice within Japan and its colonies (especially in Korea) and to integrate the price policy with it. In short, the policy was to regulate the price of home-grown rice so that the domestic agriculture remain unaffected by the inflow of rice from the colonies and that the seasonal price decline after harvest be avoided. As a result, the problem stated above were objectively resolved at the end of the 1920's. Yet, the government had little understanding of the situation and the food policy was based on increasing production until the 1930's.
  • 石見 清裕
    原稿種別: 本文
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. 1586-1609,1646-
    発行日: 1982/10/20
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    Raising an army and founding T'ang Dynasty by Li Yuan (李淵) have been understood from the viewpoint of the group of Kuan-lung (関隴) rulers since Hsi-wei (西魏) period, through the analysis of the leading members of Li Yuan group by now. However, I should like to pay attention to the Pi-yeh-t'ou of Hsiung-nu in Ordus for the following reasons. (1)Preceeding the raise of his army, Li Yuan appointed his three sons as feudal lords of the far wesl lands, they are Lung-hsi (隴西), Tun-huang (敦煌), and Ku-tsang (姑臧). Soon after he entered Ch'ang-an (長安), he drew back these appointments, So these seemed to have been his strategic preparations to aim Ch'ang-an from Tai-yuan (太原). The clue to understand this relationship between Li Yuan and these three lands, is found in the genealogy of Tou (竇), Li Yuan's empress reported in "Genealogical Tree of Prime Ministers (宰相世系表)" in "Hsin T'anbg-shu (新唐書)". (2)Tou's original family name was He-tou-ling (〓豆陵), in "Genealogical Tree". This Tou was connected with famous Tou family in Han (漢) period, accordig to the legend of the founder of the T'o-pa tribe (拓抜部) known in the preface to "Wei-shu (魏書)". At this occasion, they invented the story that the father of Tou family of Han period came from the land of Lung-hsi, Tun-huang and Ku-tsang. As a result, we can assume the intervention by He-tou-ling family behind Li Yuan's feudal appointments of his three sons in these lands. (3)He-tou-ling family originated from the Pi-yeh-t'ou tribe of Hsiungnu and belonged to He-lien Hsia Dynasty (赫連夏国) originally. They lived nomadic life in the province of Pei-he (北河) even after the downfall of Hsia (夏) Dynasty and possessed enough power to revolt against Pei-wei (北魏) in the reign of Emperor Hsiao-wen (孝文). As the influence of Pei-wei decreased after the disturbance of Liu-chen (六鎮之乱), they spread widely over Ordus and He-hsi-t'ung-lang (河西通廊). Because of their great power, Kao Huan (高歓) and Yu-wen T'ai (宇文泰) even quarrelled over Pi-yeh-t'ou in the province of Ordus. (4)In the meantime, it is evident from many examples that the strategic point of North China in order to take possession of Ch'ang-an lies in Tai-yuan and Ling-chou (霊州). Therefore, Li Yuan obtained Ling-chou under control through the alliance with the Pi-yeh-t'ou, and He-hsi (河西) route by feudal appointments of his three sons in Lung-hsi, Tun-huang and Ku-tsang. He also controled Turk (突厥), the menacing power in the north, and Hsueh Chu (薛拳), the most powerful warlord in the west, and managed to build up a scheme to enter Ch'ang-an. During T'an period, Tou family's fame had no equal, because they had not only a genealogical relation to Kao-Tsu (高祖), but also they played important parts to found the dynasty. In the result of this discusson, it can be said that Hsiung-nu did not disappear simply after the downfall of He-lien Hsia Dynasty (赫連氏夏国) in the history, but they actually parti cipated in founding T'an Dynasty.
  • 金龍 静
    原稿種別: 本文
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. 1610-1616
    発行日: 1982/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. 1617-1618
    発行日: 1982/10/20
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  • 小林 清治
    原稿種別: 本文
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. 1619-1620
    発行日: 1982/10/20
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  • 季武 嘉也
    原稿種別: 本文
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. 1620-1621
    発行日: 1982/10/20
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  • 蜂屋 邦夫
    原稿種別: 本文
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. 1621-1622
    発行日: 1982/10/20
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  • 中村 公則
    原稿種別: 本文
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. 1622-1623
    発行日: 1982/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 松尾 展成
    原稿種別: 本文
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. 1624-1625
    発行日: 1982/10/20
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  • 原稿種別: 本文
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. 1626-1645
    発行日: 1982/10/20
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  • 原稿種別: 本文
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. 1646-1650
    発行日: 1982/10/20
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. App1-
    発行日: 1982/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1982 年 91 巻 10 号 p. Cover4-
    発行日: 1982/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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