This essay focuses on two Spartan reforms in late-third century B.C. Agis IV intended the cancellation of debts, the redistribution of lands and the enlargement of the Spartan citizen-body. The rich and the elderly opposed to Agis' reforms, but they were divided among themselves. On the other hand, Agis' supporters included not only the poor, the young and the ochloi without resources and civic rights (=hypomeiones), but some of the rich and the elderly. The latter were especially active in his support. He also found his adherents among the gerontes, too. At first glance, Agis' supporters overwhelmingly outnumbered his opponents. But there were also factors which divided Agis supporters. His scheme for redistribution of lands aimed at restoring ochloi to citizenship and were meant to increase the number of citizens by more than six times. Therefore citizens who had sufficient lands to maintain their civic rights would not have been supporting this part of his reform. In addition, the land reform would be a distinct blow to big landowners. These were potential causes for division among Agis' supporters. Finally, Agis' attempt to achieve his reforms by means of constitutional procedure was also a problem, because ochloi who were latently his most active supporters could not actually participate in the constitutional process. In contrast, some fifteen years later, Kleomenes carried out his reforms secretly and by force. He succeeded with the aid of relatives and friends (philoi). Thus, we can not know the attitudes of the various social classes toward his reforms. Kleomenes accomplished the redistribution of lands and conferred citizenship not only upon the hypomeiones and perioikoi, but also upon foreigners (xenoi). Nevertheless he could not overstep the limits imposed by the Lycurgan constitution. And eventually he was defeated by the allied forces of Macedonia and the Achaean League. After the battle of Sellasia, Antigonos allowed those who had been exiled by Kleomenes to return to Sparta. The returned exiles then ruled Sparta as an oligarchy, using the ephoroi and the gerousia. However, the new citizens admitted by Kleomenes maintained their status under the new government. There were two reasons for this. First, the exiles could take back as much land as they had had before, because there was a great deal of land whose owners had either lost their lives at Sellasia or fled to Egypt with Kleomenes. So the exiles were willing to submit to Antigonos' measures. Second, Antigonos needed to maintain the balance of power in the Peloponnesus in order to maintain his influence over the Peloponnesians. It was therefore convenient for him to allow the Spartans to keep the same degree of military power as before in order to prevent the Achaeans and the Aetolians from interfering in Spartan affairs.

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One of the important problems in studies of rent resistance in the Ming-Ch'ing period has been how the Government dealt with rent resistance which was caused by contradictions in private relations between landlords and tenants. The present writer aims in this article to study the above problem by an examination of rent resistance in Fu-chien during the early Ch'ing period, where, like Chiang-nan (江南), many rent resistance struggles were reported to have taken place. The Huang (黄) Family were landlords in T'ung-an (同南) District in Chuan-chou (泉州) Prefecture. The source book, "Chin-li Huang-shih Chia-p'u (錦里黄氏家譜)", presents a case of rent resistance on t'un-t'ien (屯田), the estate of the Huang Family, in P'ing-he (平和) District in Chang-chou (〓州) Prefecture during the Yung-cheng (雍正) era. But in 1732 the authorities of P'ing-he District suppressed the rent resistance at the request of the Huang Family. After this event the Huang Family, taking advantage of the Government's direct interference in favor of land-lords, planned to reorganize the system of their estate management (i.e., their rule over the tenants and the collection of rents). The widespread and vigorous rent resistance which developed after the late Ming period led the Government to reorganize the local police and criminal administration to crush rent resistance and collect the outstanding rents. The Government helped the landlords to collect rents and intervened directly in the private relations between landlords and tenants. In other words, the Government managed to reorganize the landlord-tenant relations and maintain them in the early Ch'ing period. The present writer discovered many cases of the direct intervention by the Government in Fu-chien against rent resistance struggles even before the ordinance by the Central Government in 1727. The concept which Hsu Fu-yuan (許孚遠), the Governor (hsun-fu 巡撫) of Fu-chien, formulated in the late Ming period to maintain the land-lord-tenant relations by the Government's intervention, was realized fully in the early Ch'ing period.

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The purpose of the present paper is to investigate the political relations between Korea and diplomats from the western region of Japan from 1390 to 1470, when Japanese-Korean international relations were most extensively developed. By this analysis two points can be clarified as follows. 1)The diplomatic relations between two countries during the time in question possessed both sufficient substance and formality, which can be difined as the "Korean diplomatic order." 2)While diplomats from western Japan regarded Korea as a great world power, the Koreans did regard Japan as a country of less importance. The process of proving these two points can be described as follows. First, the famous Chronicles of Countries to the East of the sea (海東諸国紀), a document describing working relations between diplomats of two countries, is a work which expresses an ideal of alienage of Japan from the viewpoint of Korea and extracts the actual foundation of this ideal from diplomatic relations. The characteristics of diplomatic relations during this period can be expressed as the ceremonial position of Japanese diplomats as seen by the Korean side and mediated through an order of status within the Korean bureaucratic system. We can explain further as following : 1)messengers dispatched to Korea by Japanese diplomats were treated according to the Korean bureaucratic code in Korean Court decorum ; and 2)Japanese diplomats themselves were also given status ranked by Korean bureaucrats who could directly send and receive diplomatic documents. We may conclude that ceremonial position of Japanese Imperial Messengers was relatively low and that, since all diplomats to Korea formed relations on personal basis, they could be on an equality with Korean side. Rather, they found themselves in various kinds of subordinate relations to the Korean Court. All diplomats from outside had to observe the Korean state order in termes of obligation. Instead diplomats were given guarantees from Korea concerning their economic interests and activities. As a result of the widespread formation of such subordinate relations, there may have developed the idea of Korea as a great world power of the times. Certainly such an idea have been arisen among those who depended upon East Asian sea commerce. And when favorable conditions came about in Korea between 1466 and 1471, many diplomatic messengers were sent to Korea basing on such an idea. The above research indicates that the "Korean-centrism" expressed in the Chronicles of Countries to the East of the sea was supported by the actual diplomatic contacts. It is in this sense that the present paper is able to criticize, in part, the conventional view of an East Asian world which over-emphasizes international relations centered around China and underestimates the political importance of relations between other countries within this sphere. It may be expected that this paper expresses the necessity of survey from many points of view in terms of foreign contacts in the medieval East Asia.

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