史学雑誌
Online ISSN : 2424-2616
Print ISSN : 0018-2478
ISSN-L : 0018-2478
94 巻, 1 号
選択された号の論文の18件中1~18を表示しています
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. Cover1-
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. Cover2-
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 北村 優季
    原稿種別: 本文
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. 1-37,128-127
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    This essay is an investigation into the structure of governance for the Heian Capital during the tenth and eleventh centuries. Previous research on the Heian Capital as the classic model for both ancient and medieval cities in Japan has included work on its physical plan, research into the life of its residents through such sources as Konjaku Monogatari-shu 今昔物語集, and analyses of a social economic historical nature. It would seem therefore that the such practical problems as how the residents dispersed over this metropolitan space were taxed and controlled would have been already sufficiently dealt with ; however, such it not the case. It is in this spirit that the present essay will try to deal with the historical changes which took place in the urban residents' unit of control called Kyoko 京戸, a phenomenon of the eighth and ninth centuries relatively well covered by the ritsu-ryo 律令 codes, as the Heian Capital entered the tenth century. While part one of the essay covers the spheres of governance directly under various officials, part two goes into detail concerning areas called ho 保, fundamental administrative capital units which lay under the governmental control exercised by either the Sayukyoshiki 左右京職 or the later Kebiishi 検非違使 policing agencies. Part two in particular focuses on the following three points : 1)the nature of the central figures involved in ho administration namely ho no osa 保長 and ho no tone 保刀禰 ; 2) the residents of the ho, who were organized as zaike 在家 ; and 3)the residential units (ie 家) of capital nobles, which were to a certain degree independent of the control exercised by the Sayukyo-shiki and Kebiishi agencies. It should be noted that while secondary source materials such as Buddhist tale collections were utilized, the author was always careful to historically verify such sources with more reliable documentary materials.
  • 木村 秀海
    原稿種別: 本文
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. 38-66,127-126
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to clarify the fundamental structure of Western Chou bureaucracy by using Western Chou Bronze Inscriptions. After demonstrating that in Bronze Inscriptions we must interpret 〓 (original from of Chung 〓) as Tseng-i 増益, and 〓 (another from of Ching 京) as Kao 高, Ta 大 and 〓 (original from of She 歙) as Tsung-she 総摂 and Cheng-chang 正長, I reinterpret the Bronze Inscriptions and come to the conclusions as follows : 1.In the Western Chou period, there existed three government offices : Ching-shih-liao 卿事寮, Kung-tsu-liao 公族寮 and Ta-shih-liao 大史寮, and every bureaucrat belonged to one of them. 2.Ching-shih-liao was the government office of Royal Domains which took charge of political and military affairs of Iiu-shih 六〓 in Tsung-chou 宗周 and those of Pa-shih 八〓 in Cheng-chou 成周. This office also assumed the character of royal government which could issue military commands toward feudal vassals. The chief of this office was Ta-shih 大師 and the subchief was Hsiao-fu 小輔. This office had five lower offices : Ssu-tu 〓土, Ssu-ma 〓馬, Ssu-kung 〓工, Shih-shih 師氏 and Tsou-ma 走馬. Every office consisted of one chief and two subchiefs. All of them were attached to either Pa-shih or Liu-shih, one chief and one subchief to Liu-shih, and one subchief to Pa-shih. 3.Kung-tsu-liao was the office which took charge of the royal home management. This office was deeply connected with Ching-shih-liao through conveying the King's and Queen's orders, and conveying requests appeals of officials ranked higher than Shih-tai-fu 事大夫 to the King. The chief of this office was Ta-tsai 大宰, and the two subchiefs were Hsiao-tsais 小宰 under whom came Shan-fu 善夫. The Shan-fu organization consisted of one chief and two subchiefs. 4.Ta-shih-liao was the office of secretariats where close attendants of the King made drafts and kept documents. The chief of this office was Nei-shih-yin 内史尹 (Ta-shih 大史). He had two subchiefs, Tso-nei-shih 左内史 and Yu-nei-shih .右内史 5.In the middle of the Western Chou period, the names of the officials were changed as below. The earlier period of Western Chou Ta-pao (大保) Hu-chen (虎臣) Hsiao-chen (小臣) Tso-tse (作冊) The later period of Western Chou Ta-shih (大師) Tsou-ma (走馬) Shan-fu (善夫) Nei-shih (内史) 6.The Western Chou bureaucracy adopted the fief rank system other than the official rank system. The four fief ranks known by now were Ching-shih 卿士, Shih-tai-fu 事大夫, Ya-shih 亜事 and Lu 旅.
  • 伊藤 隆
    原稿種別: 本文
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. 67-77,126-124
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Throughout the Pre-war Showa period, Kazushige Ugaki (1868-1956) was regarded as a potential candidate for the Prime Minister. (In fact, in Showa 13 (1938) according to an imperial order he began to form a cabinet, but this soon failed due to opposition from the Army.) Very little research has been done on Ugaki during this period. In this work, using previously available documents as well as some new documents released by his family, the author analyzes Ugaki's views on foreign relations in the period centering on Showa 15 (1940). Through this analysis the author hopes to clarify Ugaki's position in the political world of the time. Here the author analyzes 3 points. The first is the relation between Ugaki and the arguments of Takao Saito, who was dismissed in Showa 15 (1940) from the House of Representatives after he criticized the government and army over the "China Affair". Second using the series of his written statements of opinion which he began to write in Showa 11 and thereafter frequently revised, the author analyses Ugaki's opinions about the policies he felt Japan should take towards the war in Europe. Third through these opinions to analyze his thoughts on racial competition. Through this analysis the following points were clarified. In opposition to the idealism expressed in Konoe's declaration of Showa 13 (1938), Ugaki viewing the "China Affair" from the standpoint of power politics, urged its quick resolution and so supported Saito. He also viewed the war in Europe from the standpoint of power politics ; the Soviet Union through its Non-aggression Pact supporting Germany, the United States standing on England's side and at some point being expected to join the war, where Japan remaining non-alligned and capable of playing an important role in international relations. Also he was strongly, opposed to acting ideologically in concert with Germany and Italy. (In this respect he was strongly opposed to Konoe's "New Order".) Finally although he was not ideologically opposed to Japanese expansion into the South, he vehemently warned that it would bring on strong American and English opposition. Because he feared that it might prove an opportunity for a coalition of Caucasian world powers, he was strongly opposed to the military argument of the time for southern expansion. (In the respect of fearing a coalition of Caucasian powers he had a strong resemblance to Aritomo Yamagata.) Because he held the above opinions, it was natural that he was the focus of the hopes of the conservative "status quo" faction, which was in opposition to the reformist faction centered in the military. In the early Showa period Ugaki had planned to form his power base on a coalition of the established parties and gain the reins of government, and even at this late point he had the support of "Genro", senior statesmen and the financial world, but by this time the "status quo" faction had lost power and not only was it unable to put Ugaki up for the Prime Minister position, but furthermore Ugaki himself seems not to have been capable to determine to actively make this faction his Foundation.
  • 北岡 伸一
    原稿種別: 本文
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. 78-85
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 池田 誠
    原稿種別: 本文
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. 85-91
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 清永 昭次
    原稿種別: 本文
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. 91-98
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 五味 文彦
    原稿種別: 本文
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. 99-100
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 矢澤 洋子
    原稿種別: 本文
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. 100-101
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 田村 貞雄
    原稿種別: 本文
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. 101-102
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 池田 温
    原稿種別: 本文
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. 103-104
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. 105-
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 本文
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. 106-123
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 本文
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. 124-128
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. App1-
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. Cover3-
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1985 年 94 巻 1 号 p. Cover4-
    発行日: 1985/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
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