Le but de cet article est de comprendre le mouvement des Seize a Paris (1585-1594) dans le contexte des transformations de la structure municipale parisienne au XVI^e siecle. La premiere partie de cet article analyse le processus du mouvement des Seize dans ses trois phases et etablit les trois points suivants. Premierement, bien que des motifs d'ordre religieux aient continuellement joue un role tres important des la creation du mouvement des Seize, ils ne suffisent pas a expliquer son extention. Il faudrait rechercher d'autres motifs susceptibles d'expliquer l'emprise des Seize sur toute la ville. Deuxiemement, c'est sur la base du quartier-systeme que les Seize organiserent les reseaux de sociabilite et ce choix leur permit de remporter la victoire lors de la "Journee des Barricades" et de saisir le pouvoir a l'Hotel de Ville. Troisiemement, la periode pendant laquelle les Seize ont dirige Paris parait se limiter aux annees 1588 et 1589. Pourquoi le mouvement des Seize a-t-il pu, pendant cette periode, faire de l'Hotel de Ville le centre du pouvoir et etendre sa domination sur tout Paris? Quelle relation y a-t-il entre le succes des Seize et le quartier-systeme? C'est le theme de la seconde partie de cet article. La structure municipale parisienne et sa transformation au cours de cette periode 1588-1589 ont ete analysees a trois points de vue : les remontrances soumises a Henri III apres la "Journee des Barricades" par le nouvel echevinage et le Cardinal de Bourbon ; la conduite des affaires municipales ; le probleme des couches sociales. Cela nous a permis d'aboutir aux resultats suivants. D'abord, l'analyse des remontrances revele la situation de Paris dans la seconde moitie du XVI^e siecle, a une epoque ou le quartier-systeme etait en crise a la fois parce que l'heredite supplantait peu a peu l'election comme processus de nomination aux offices municipaux et parce que l'autonomie municipale etait battue en breche par le Parlement et le Chatelet. Autrement dit, les deux principes se disputaient alors le controle de la ville : le principe de la monarchie et celui du corps municipal. Au point de vue de la composition sociale, les Seize se recrutaient parmi les couches moyennes qui se trouvaient exclues de la municipalite par le monopole des officiers royaux. Ainsi ils se fixerent pour but de conserver les traditions autonomes et communautaires du corps municipal. Pour ce faire, le corps municipal, une fois pris en main par les Seize, projetait de maintenir les elections aux charges municipales et de renforcer son pouvoir contre le Chatelet, surtout dans le domaine du maintien de l'ordre public. En fait, ni le personnel ni l'organisation de la municipalite existante ne furent renoves totalement : cependant le Comite des neuf, etabli dans chaque quartier, ainsi que les milices ont pu ranimer le quartier-systeme et elargir l'acces a la participation aux affaires de la ville. C'est la raison par laquelle les mouvements de quartier ont pu entrainer l'Hotel de Ville et etablir son emprise sur toute la ville, au moins pendant les annees 1588-1589. La desagregation de cette structure municipale serait liee au declin des Seize. Mais, c'est la matiere a recherches ulterieures.

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In this note the author attempts to classify the 44 Japanese Cabinets in the pre-war period from the first one headed by Ito Hirobumi to the Higashikuni Government of August-October 1945, according to the prime minister's military position. His conclusions may be summarized as follows. Japanese pre-war Cabinets can be classified into two categories. One is headed by a general or an admiral of the Army and Navy and the other is not. The former may be called 'Military Prime Minister Cabinet' (MPMC), and the latter a 'Civilian Prime Minister Cabinet'. Of the pre-war 44 Cabinets, 20 were MPMC's. The MPMC can also be divided into two sub-categories. In type A the prime minister was on active duty in the Army or Navy. In type B he was in the reserves or retired. According to an edict on army and navy officer position and service decreed in 1888, officers appointed to the civil service must have been discharged from military service. However, if the Emperor ordered or permitted by the special decree, a civil servant could remain in military active service. Type A is further divided into 'Yamagata Style', 'War and Surrender Cabinet' and 'Other'. The First and Second Yamagata, the First and Second Katsura, the First Yamamoto, the Terauchi and the Kato Tomosaburo Cabinets are all of the 'Yamagata Style'. The Tojo arid the first half of the Higashikuni Cabinets form the 'War and Surrender Cabinet Style'. 'Other' includes the first half of Kuroda Cabinet (before the prolamation of the 1888 edict). Type B contains 4 sub-groups. The first is 'Katsura-Tanaka Style' (a party cabinet but its Premier was a military general). The Third Katsura and the Tanaka Giichi Cabinets belong to this subgroup. The second is 'Elder Admiral Prime Minister Cabinet' consisting of the Second Yamamoto, the Saito, the Okada and the Suzuki Kantaro Cabinets. The third is 'Army Reserve General Prime Minister Cabinet' which includes the Hayashi, the Abe and the Koiso Cabinets. The Yonai and the latter half of Kuroda and the Higashikuni Cabinets can't be put into any group mentioned above, and therefore should be thought of as exceptions. Using the chronological distribution of the MPMC as an index, a new periodization scheme can be introduced into Japanese cabinet history. The first period is from the First Ito to the First Okuma Cabinet, during which the MPMC form is rarely seen. Its time share is below 25%. The second is from the Second Yamagata to the second Yamamoto Cabinet. In this period the MPMC, especially type A dominated the others. Its time share is 55.0% (type B's is 2.3%). It may be called 'the Age of Type A' or 'the Age of Yamagata Style'. The third is from the Kiyoura to the Inukai Cabinet. The MPMC's time share decreased to 26.0% during this interval. This period overlaps 'the Time of Party Government'. The last is from the Saito to the Higashikuni Cabinet. The MPMC is again dominant. The time share of type A is 21.1% and that of type B is 45.3%. Therefore it may be called 'the Age of Type B'.

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This thesis is an effort to clarify, the realities of the non-cooperation movements in Andhra during the 1920's with special reference to the role played by Gandhi. The movements which the author has selected is the Chirala struggle and the Pedanandipad struggle. The Chirala village struggle involved the mass exodus of Chirala residents in protest aganist British policy to make a municipality out of Chirala village and thus raise local taxes. The Pedanandipad struggle was a refusal by Pedanandipad residnts to pay local land taxes. Research on non-cooperation movements in Andhra was yet to be done in Japan and is very sparse in foreign countries. This paper is an attempt to clarify further the realities of the non-cooperation movements in Andhra. Concerning the relation between these non-cooperation movements and Gandhi, first the author sees the essence of Gandhi's ideas as mind revolution, insisting that when we finally accept the reality that the human mind has not changed in the desirable direction for human society inspite of social change, only then will Gandhi's experiment supply an interesting example for our world. From this point of view the author studies how Gandhi's ideas were well realized in these non-cooperation movements. After considering the reasons for the success enjoyed by Gandhi's ideas in Andhra, the author argues that such practical cases will provide the key to finding the true historical significance of Gandhi's thought.

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