史学雑誌
Online ISSN : 2424-2616
Print ISSN : 0018-2478
ISSN-L : 0018-2478
96 巻 , 3 号
選択された号の論文の15件中1~15を表示しています
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. Cover1-
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. Cover2-
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐竹 靖彦
    原稿種別: 本文
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. 273-309,413-41
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    It is a popular opinion that each peasant household in 周 (Zhou) times was assigned 100畝 (mu) of land for regular cultivation, while 商鞅 (Shang Yang) -notorious reformer of 秦 (Qin) dynasty -put an end to this system and established newly enlarged plowland allotments, which are said to have amounted to 240畝 (mu). Thus the new plowland is said to be 2.4 times as large as that of the 周 (Zhou) system. But it seems strange that such an odd number was chosen in this serious reformation. According to the results of the present author's analysis, the so-called 100畝 (mu) land system during the 周 (Zhou) was accompanied by the same amount of uncultivated land. The plots were alternated every year. Therefore, the total holding of any peasant was equal to 200畝 (mu). 商鞅 added another 100畝 (mu) to that total and then divided it into two parts, one for cultivation and the another for alternation. So, the new holdings increased by 50%. The shape of the new holdings was 100 old 歩 (bu) by 300 old 歩 (bu). However, 商鞅 (Shang Yang) produced a new yardstick for the latter on the pretext of the 趙 (Zhao) land system. Since the new yardstick was increased by 25%, 300 old 歩 (bu) was then equal to 240 new 歩 (bu). By this time, iron farm tools had become fairly widely diffused, and there were new high productivity gains due to this new method, causing 商鞅 (Shang Yang) to expand the standard size of land under cultivation. Before that time, land for cultivation and land for alternation were both set by the community, and people could not cultivate more land than the assigned 100畝 (mu). 商鞅 (Shang Yang) divided the newly enlarged land for cultivation into 8 small parts. Now people could cultivate 6 of them, all of them, or even another part left in the alternation land. Peasants were free from the restrictions of their communities, and productivity was raised correspondingly. But, as this new situation was brought forth by the new policy of the state, the 秦 (Qin) state gained enough power to control and exploit the peasants.
  • 山田 邦明
    原稿種別: 本文
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. 310-341,412-41
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Conventional research on Kamakura-Fu (鎌倉府), which ruled the ten eastern provinces of the Kanto region during the Muromachi period, has tended to concentrate more on its relationship with the Muromachi Bakufu in Kyoto and less on what kind of power structure supported it and how this government controlled the various classes in the Kanto area. The present paper starts out to consider Kamakura-Fu's power structure and its control over the Kanto Plain, especially the power base of the Kamakura Kubo (鎌倉公方). Then, the author switches attention to the Hoko-shu (奉公衆) itself, which formed the military and political base of the Kamakura Kubo's ruling power ; and together with identifying that group of attendants from existing documents, he summarizes the Hoko-shu's conditions of existence and its organizational process. Concerning the Hoko-shu's conditions of existence, from the historical source entitled Kamakura Nenchu Gyoji (鎌倉年中行事), describing yearly events and ceremonies in that administrative town, we find three statuses within the Hoko-shu, namely 1)the Hyojo-shu (評定衆), 2)the Hikitsuke-shu (引付衆) and 3)other members. We see clear status discrimination toward those "other members" excluded from (or positioned below) statuses 1) and 2). Also, as the Hoko-shu formed a rotation system for guarding the Kubo's palace (gosho 御所), there were also members located (or living) in the provinces. The author was able to identify from the available sources 74 members of the Kamakura-Fu Hoko-shu. Their names and conditions of membership may be summarized as follows : A)The Ashikaga clan families including the Kira (吉良), Shibukawa (渋川), Isshiki (一色), Imagawa (今川), Kako (加子) and Hatakeyama (畠山). B)The original Ashikaga family vassals including the Uesugi (上杉), Ko (高), Kido (木戸), Noda (野田), Teraoka (寺岡), Kajiwara (梶原), Ebina (海老名), Shidara (設楽) and Yanada (簗田). C)Traditional Kamakura based bureaucrats including the Nikaido (二階堂), Nagai (長井), and Machino (町野). All of the families included in A, B and C served the Kamakura Kubo from the inception of Kamakura-Fu ; and during the era of Kubo Motouji (1349-67), the B group of Ashikaga vassals formed the dominant power group of the Hoko-shu. However, beginning from the era of Kubo Ujimitsu (1367-98) the Kamakura Kubo more and more included in the Hoko-shu many provincial bigmen (kokujin 国人) throughout the Kanto Plain. And so, when Mitsukane became Kubo (1398-1409), the number of Hoko-shu members had greatly increased, and their main source of power had shifted to a new group (D) made up of these same Kanto Plain kokujin. These included the likes of the Ohmori (大森) of Suruga, the Honma (本間) and Miura (三浦) of Sagami, the Edo (江戸) of Musashi, the Satomi (里見), Yamana (山名), Nawa (那波) and Takayama (高山) of Kozuke, the Sano (佐野) of Shimotsuke, the Shishido (宍戸), Tsukuba (筑波) and Oda (小田) of Hitachi and the Unagami (海上), Indo (印東) and Ryugasaki (龍崎) of Shimousa. During Mitsukane's reign such families as the Shishido and Unagami even appear in the elite corps of Kubo palace functionaries (gosho bugyo 御所奉行). As a result of their personal hold over these Kanto Plain kokujin, the Kamakura Kubos were able to expand quite successfully their own direct military bases.
  • 石川 寛
    原稿種別: 本文
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. 341-359,411
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Calukyas of Badami formed the dynasty of the Deccan from the middle of the 6th century to the first half of the 8th century. In this paper, the author examines the administrative division called visaya under that dynasty, using inscriptions as source materials. The characteristics of visayas are : 1)There were many visayas in the domains of provincial rulers, whose control was allowed to continue through subservience to the Calukyas. 2)In the dynastic records, besides the strict meaning of administrative division, visaya also meant generally area or territory. 3)Since there was no unified official system of visaya administration, it would be difficult to regard it as a complete organization for political integration within dynasty territories. Even though the central government undertook to spread its control over provincially ruled territories by setting up visayas, these division could not always have functioned, at least in the territories of provincial rules, as arms of a centralized integrative force.
  • 金子 文夫
    原稿種別: 本文
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. 360-367
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 望田 幸男
    原稿種別: 本文
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. 368-376
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 宮崎 勝美
    原稿種別: 本文
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. 377-378
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 屋形 禎亮
    原稿種別: 本文
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. 378-379
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原稿種別: 本文
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. 380-410
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 本文
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. 411-414
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. App1-
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. App2-
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. Cover3-
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1987 年 96 巻 3 号 p. Cover4-
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
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